Earticle

In Shame(1983), Ahmed Salman Rushdie retells the history of Pakistan since its independence in 1947. The story covers three generations and focuses on the lives and families of two men, Raza Hyder and Iskander Harappa. Rushdie bases these characters on real-life Pakistanis, former President Zia-ul-Haq, and former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. In Shame, Rushdie uncovers and exposes the illegitimacy and brutal authoritarianism of internal colonial regimes in Pakistan. Pakistani ruling elites, which replaced the colonial rulers but retained their exploitative power-relations within forms of patriarchal control, deny women the right to speak. Rushdie wishes to record the sufferings of women when patriarchal ruling power is exercised on their bodies. To achieve that goal, he relates the experiences of Pakistani women in the form of a fantasy-history where he imaginatively re-creates the recent political regimes of Pakistan. How is gender negotiated in the novel? The concepts of shame and honour are irreversibly intertwined in the image of gender. The first girl represents the shame that brings dishonour upon her family. In this case, shame is something that springs from the gender. Regarding the second girl, shame is not rooted in her consciousness. It is rather the circumstances that cause her to feel shame. The third persona, the boy who died from self-combustion when he realized the truth that shame will outlive him, indicates that shame is fundamental. It is embedded in the gender structures and therefore unavoidable. Shame evokes the violence that would occur if women are kept in their marginal position. In this novel, Sufiya symbolizes the effectiveness of historical determinations on individuals. Yet her violence also speaks to the limits of such determination. Sufiya transgresses the historical determinants of her circumstances. The significance of her existence, therefore, lies in the excessive gestures of her violence. Moreover, Sufiya's lethal aggressiveness may be interpreted not as destructive violence, but as resistance to the oppressive conventions imposed on her by society and especially by male authority.

This paper examines how Lewis Nkosi’s Mating Birds exposes the racialized myth of the hypersexual Black male embedded in South Africa’s system of internal colonialism. The novel shows how a Black man’s desire for a white woman is immediately rendered criminal through apartheid law and public discourse. By drawing on Frantz Fanon, Michel Foucault, Gayatri Spivak, Pierre Bourdieu, and Sander Gilman, the study analyzes how legal, educational, and scientific institutions construct a “regime of truth” that marks Black male sexuality as deviant while idealizing white womanhood. Particular attention is given to the Immorality Act, courtroom rhetoric, and psychiatric evaluation, all of which recast desire as pathology and legitimize punitive control. Nkosi’s use of retrospective narration and the recurring image of the mating birds further reveals the symbolic violence that sustains racial hierarchy. Through these strategies, the novel uncovers the mechanisms through which sexual politics function as a central tool of internal colonial domination and invites a critical reconsideration of race, desire, and justice in apartheid South Africa. Ultimately, the study demonstrates that Nkosi's novel not only exposes but actively dismantles the ideological foundations of apartheid's racial and sexual order.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze one of Africa’s most influential writers, Bessie Head, and her novel Maru, focusing on the phenomenon of internal colonialism in Africa. The South Africa-born and Botswana-exile writer expressed concerns about the fact that racial discrimination against Bushmen was committed not just by white people but also by black people. Among those concerns, Maru exposes the harsh prejudices of the Botswana tribes against the Marsarwa people, who are Bushmen. This paper, therefore, treats the problem of how black Africans inherited European colonialism and racism through their experience of being colonized. Maru describes how tribal violence prevailed even into postcolonial African society in the case of Botswana. The basic reason Head stressed this was because she was the daughter of a white woman and a black South African man. As she was the product of an illicit union in the apartheid era of South Africa, she was able to experience Afrikaner‘s racial prejudice against a colored woman and to closely observe tribalism as well. The main character of the novel, Maru, is a Bushman woman who suffers the same persecution by the Botswana people as the writer did. In this context, this paper intends to review that the reason that Head created her main character as a Bushman was to show the process of how Bushmen were excluded in history in light of her own experiences. With this in mind, this paper emphasizes that Head confronts the blacks’ irrational discrimination against Bushmen in the beginning and gradually changes the conflict between the two tribes into a harmonious situation, indicating an end to tribalism. (Chonnam National University)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze one of Africa’s most influential writers, Bessie Head, and her novel Maru, focusing on the phenomenon of internal colonialism in Africa. The South Africa-born and Botswana-exile writer expressed concerns about the fact that racial discrimination against Bushmen was committed not just by white people but also by black people. Among those concerns, Maru exposes the harsh prejudices of the Botswana tribes against the Marsarwa people, who are Bushmen. This paper, therefore, treats the problem of how black Africans inherited European colonialism and racism through their experience of being colonized. Maru describes how tribal violence prevailed even into postcolonial African society in the case of Botswana. The basic reason Head stressed this was because she was the daughter of a white woman and a black South African man. As she was the product of an illicit union in the apartheid era of South Africa, she was able to experience Afrikaner‘s racial prejudice against a colored woman and to closely observe tribalism as well. The main character of the novel, Maru, is a Bushman woman who suffers the same persecution by the Botswana people as the writer did. In this context, this paper intends to review that the reason that Head created her main character as a Bushman was to show the process of how Bushmen were excluded in history in light of her own experiences. With this in mind, this paper emphasizes that Head confronts the blacks’ irrational discrimination against Bushmen in the beginning and gradually changes the conflict between the two tribes into a harmonious situation, indicating an end to tribalism.

이 논문은 지역방송 내부 식민지화의 중심에 사장선임을 위시한 지배구조가 자리하고 있다는 데 주목했다. 그 실체를 파악하기 위해 1990년대 중반에서 2015년 사이 MBC 지역계열사 17개사와 지역민방 9개사, 총 26개 지역방송사의 사장과 주주 이사 구성을 취합 분석했다. 이와 함께 지역방송 인력과 운영현황, 그리고 그 문제점을 검토 논의했다. 이를 통해 지역방송의 내부 식민지화가 작동하는 방식을 규명했다. 지역MBC는 서울본사의 필요를 우선순위에 둔 지배구조가, 지역민방은 소유와 경영 분리 미흡에 따른 대주주의 전횡이 제작과 인력 부문의 투자 제약요소로 작용하면서 내부 식민지화가 가동되고 있었다. 이어 이 논문은 지역방송 사장선임을 비롯한 지배구조 개선방향을 법 제도와 방송사 자율규제 차원에서 제안했다. 법 제도적으로는 방송법상의 지역방송 편성규약 단서조항 신설을 비롯해 관련법령인 지역방송발전지원특별법, 방송광고판매대행 등에 관한 법률, 방송통신위원회의 설치 및 운영에 관한 법률 개정안을 구체적으로 제시했다. 자율규제로는 지역MBC의 경우 사장선임추천위원회 운용과 방송문화진흥회 이사의 3분의 1을 지역인사로 구성하는 방안, 지역민방은 소유와 경영의 분리를 출발점으로 한 공공성 회복과 사장 사외이사추천위원회 도입 등을 제안했다.

This study pays attention to the assumption that the governance including the appointment of CEO is a key factor in the internal colonialism of local broadcasting. To evaluate the tendencies, it collects and analyzes the profile of CEOs, directors, and shareholders of the 17 regional affiliates of MBC and 9 local commercial broadcasting companies between the early and mid-1990s and 2015. It also discusses the local broadcasting personnel and its operations. By doing so, the study attempts to reveal how the internal colonialism of local broadcasting works. It finds out that the governance of regional broadcasters of MBC is controlled by the head office located in Seoul. At the same time, the governance of local commercial broadcasters is encroached by the tyrannical practices of major shareholders caused by the non-separation of ownership and management. These kinds of abnormal management of governance tend to constrain the investment on personnel and production. Finally, this study suggests some desirable directions of governance focusing on the appointment of CEO in terms of both legislative system and self-regulation. They include establishing a new proviso for programming protocols in local broadcasting, introducing a CEO & non-executive director nomination committee, and so forth.

내부식민지 이론(Internal Colonialism)은 한 국가 내에서 발생하는 지역 간 격차를 분석하는 이론 중의 하나로, 중앙이 지방을 마치 식민지처럼 지배하며 지역의 경제적 개발을 저해하고 자기결정권을 거부함으로 인해 중앙과 지방 간의 격차를 유지, 확대한다는 이론이다. 국내 지역방송은 산업구조, 지배구조, 노동구조, 정책구조 모든 측면에서 내부식민지 이론에 부합하는 양상을 보이고 있다. 국가적 균형발전, 지방분권, 지방자치 등 지역적 불균형을 해소하기 위한 담론이 확대되고 정책이 시행되었지만, 방송 분야에서는 내부식민 구조가 견고하게 남아있다. 시청자의 지방거주 비율은 80%에 달하지만, 지방의 방송종사자 비율은 29.3%, 지방의 방송제작비 비율은 27.2%에 불과했다. 방송산업뿐만 아니라 “방송권력”에서도 지방은 배제되고 있다. 공-민영 관계없이, 지역방송은 구조적으로 서울소재 방송사업자들의 지배를 받고 있고, 방송 정책기구나 중앙 방송사 대표자들 중에서 지방의 인물들은 매우 드물었다. 방송정책이나 방송사 운영에 지방 시청자의 권익이 반영되기 힘든 구조인 것이다. 지역방송사의 경우, 최고경영진은 중앙에서 파견되고 하위직은 지역 내에서 충원하는 내부식민지 노동분화 현상이 나타났다. 방송정책의 측면에서도 중앙의 지방 지배라는 종속구조를 개선하는 정책 대신, 시장경쟁력 강화를 위한 지원정책이 주류를 이루면서, 지역방송의 정책효과가 실효를 거두지 못하고 있다. 중앙방송이 지역방송을 내부식민지처럼 지배하고 있는 종속적 구조를 개선하지 않고는 지역방송의 활성화를 기대할 수 없을 것이다.

Dependency and Exclusion: Internal Colonialism and Local Broadcasting in Korea Internal colony theory is one of the theories that analyze regional gaps within a country. It posits that the core region monopolizes the wealth and political power, treating the periphery regions like colonies denying them fair share of economic development and political self-rule. An analysis of statistical numbers as well as decision-making structures shows that the internal colony theory is applicable in broadcasting industry in Korea. While 80% of the audience reside in non-capital regions, their shares of broadcasting industry are far short of their numbers. Workers of broadcasting industry in non-capital regions are just 29.3% of the entire nation. Only 27.2% of production costs are spent outside Seoul, the capital. Broadcasting policy-making and network management are off limit to people from non-capital regions. Among the members of the Broadcasting Communication Commission and the governing boards of the public broadcasting companies, few are selected from outside the capital. Heads of network companies that govern the local broadcasting companies are also occupied by people from the capital region. In the areas of broadcasting, the non-capital regions in Korea are treated like an internal colony.