Earticle

The purpose of this paper is to identify the novel types of subjunctive complementizer nka in Korean. Among the two types of interrogative complementizer variants of the ordinary interrogative complementizer ci and the modalized interrogative complementizer nka, we argue that nka is a lexicalized form of the epistemic subjunctive mood exponent appearing in subordinator C. Specifically, we show that the semantic function of nka creates epistemic weakening in subjective doxastic space and expresses speaker/subject’s epistemic uncertainty on the embedded question. Our claim will be further supported by corpus study by comparing different types of predicates selecting nka and/or ci. The theoretical implication of current study is two-folds: First, in Korean, interrogative can be another prerequisite of subjunctivity. Second, for the analysis of interrogative subjunctive, the inquisitive-based theory is untenable but nonveridicality can provide the general theory.

The aim of this study is to analyze the complementizer that-deletion in embedded complement clauses in English. This paper is concerned with the alternation between the overt that-complementizer and the zero complementizer by the complementizer deletion (C-deletion or that-deletion) in constructions with a nominal complement that-clause, i.e. [VP Verb [CP that-TP]]. In this paper, we compare that-complementation and zero-complementation in a diachronic grammaticalization and corpus, and show that the complementizer that has its origin in pronouns diachronically and finally becomes to form a C-head of the functional category CP. We provide the syntactic and semantic explanation on the optionality of that-deletion while answering the question why and how that-deletion is getting increasing in use especially with the verb, think, in the informal contexts. With the major causes for the currently increasing use of that-deletion, we are concerned with the contexts in which the overt complementizers or the covert complementizers are preferred.

This paper discusses the main points of In"]Seok Yang"fs ground"]breaking work, Korean Syntax(1972), which can be viewed as an monumental work in Korean syntax within the early Chomskyan framework, and evaluates its significance within the recent minimalist theory. As it turns out, Yang"fs arguments about Multiple Case Constructions can be re"]illuminated as a cartographic structures of Specs within IP, similar to the cartographic structures recently suggested by Rizzi(1997, 2004). Other important aspects of Yang"fs theory concern sentential complementation constructions, in which he argued for clausal reduction and verbal compounding, and some of which provide significant dilemma in modern GB or minimalist frameworks. Some other Korean constructions involving so"]called Equi"]subject constructions offer other dilemmas, but some of them may in fact be shown to support little v analysis within recent minimalist framework.

In English there are various kinds of verbs that have ‘accusative with infinitive’ as their complement. The constructions of the complements can be (a)accusative+bare infinitive, (b)accusative+to-infinitive, or (c)for accusative+to-infinitive. The main verbs take one or two of the constructions according to their semantic properties. The purpose of this paper is to study infinitival complement of transitive verbs and to obtain the aid in making accurate use of to-infinitive and bare infinitive in the construction, and accusative without or with for. This paper reveals that there are the properties of the main verbs to take one or two of the above three constructions and several elements which influence the forming of the above three constructions. It is expected that this paper will be helpful to the proper use of the accusative+infinitive complement.

This paper aims to account for the distribution of the null complementizer(null C) in Spanish. Although the presence of the complementizer que is basically obligatory in this language, certain classes of verbs may allow the omission of que in complement position. However, this is not always the case when an overt lexical element appears preverbally. In addition, when complement clauses appear in non-canonical positions like topicalized position, the omission of que is also disallowed. Thus, in this paper I try to provide an account of why que can be omitted in some environments and cannot in other environments. For this, I critically review Brovetto’s(2002) analysis of the null C in Spanish. I further discuss whether some analyses of the English null C can be extended to Spanish. I argue that these analyses are not satisfactory enough to deal with Spanish data. By modifying Bošković & Lasnik’s(2003) PF-Merger analysis, I propose that the Spanish null C is a PF-prefix: it must attach to a verb on its right under adjacency. I show that many examples can be accommodated by this proposal. I further show that the obligatory subject-verb inversion in Spanish wh-questions receives a new account under my proposal.

The purpose of this study is to explore the properties of Spanish clauses without complementizer ‘que’ and provide an appropriate analysis for them. In this paper, I have proposed a novel analysis of Spanish complementizerless clauses, based on ‘dephasing hypothesis’ proposed by Chomsky(2015). It is analyzed that the omission of complementizer ‘que’ is the result of T to C movement to check [irrealis] feature of C. Specifically, it is assumed that the structure made by T to C movement is [T [T C]], in which the phase head C becomes invisible to other computational operations and thus may not be spelled out in PF. (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993; Embick & Noyer 2007). I have also applied the external pair-merge hypothesis of Epstein, Kitahara & Seely (2016) to explain the construction with complementizer ‘que’. That is, it is assumed that the phase head C, before merging with TP, externally merges with a copy of T and forms the [C [C T]] structure in C position. This analysis not only enables the [irrealis] feature of C to be checked without T to C movement, but also can explain why the complementizer ‘que’ is spelled out in the [C [C T]] structure.

This paper aims to account for the distribution of the null complementizer(null C) in Spanish. Although the presence of the complementizer que is basically obligatory in this language, certain classes of verbs may allow the omission of que in complement position. However, this is not always the case when an overt lexical element appears preverbally. In addition, when complement clauses appear in non-canonical positions like topicalized position, the omission of que is also disallowed. Thus, in this paper I try to provide an account of why que can be omitted in some environments and cannot in other environments. For this, I critically review Brovetto’s(2002) analysis of the null C in Spanish. I further discuss whether some analyses of the English null C can be extended to Spanish. I argue that these analyses are not satisfactory enough to deal with Spanish data. By modifying Bo?kovi? & Lasnik’s(2003) PF-Merger analysis, I propose that the Spanish null C is a PF-prefix: it must attach to a verb on its right under adjacency. I show that many examples can be accommodated by this proposal. I further show that the obligatory subject-verb inversion in Spanish wh-questions receives a new account under my proposal.

The ECP account for the distribution of the English null complementizer in that-less clauses does not work, because the notion of government is eliminated in the minimalist framework. Several attempts have been made to explain the distribution of the null complementizer in English, without appealing to the notion of government. This article is an attempt to explain the distribution of null complementizers with the PF approach, assuming that a null com- plementizer is a kind of clitic, which is attached to the preceding host and that the intonational phrase boundary blocks cliticization, even though the null clitic and the preceding host are adjacent. In this paper, I also show the interaction of the presence of an adjunct and cliticization. With the presence of an adjunct, intonational phrasings could change and this gives an effect on the cliticization of a null complementizer.

This paper offers a simple novel approach to the distributions of the declarative Comp that and its null counterpart, the null C, in English. It suggests that the overt Comp that is a PF realization of the null C and that the null C must be adjacent to the embedded subject as well as to the matrix predicate. Behind this suggestion lies a core idea--agreement appears on C, thereby agreeing with the subject; when the subject is extracted through Spec of CP, the agreement is suppressed and thus agreement emergence as that fails to be obtained. This approach will be shown to account for many intriguing contrasts in the CP area, for example, different distributions between the Comp that and the null C, (anti-)that-trace effects, the null C without adjacency.

This article discusses the way in which the complementizer -nun of Korean should be translated into that or which relative pronouns in English. We begin with an overview of pragmatic and social differences between the uses of that and which. Pragmatically, that is used to refer an attributive entity, while which is used to refer a particular entity in the given context. Socially, that is preferred among the people in lower social classes such as those with lower education,y in the givspeakers in America likivLhe no grad ativstudents and their children, which is preferred among those likivpoliticians. We then t is ze the preference between that and which in direct ohich is used toclauses in oral translation and written translation, as produced by 94 ad l iKorean EFL learners divided into basic, inteEFediati, and advanced groups and by eigh ithe givspeakers as the control group. The result shows that the learners generally prefer which but such a tendency is greater in written translation, while native speakers generally prefer that, in particular, in oral translation. The article then suggests the way to translate that and which into Korean.

This paper investigates the mechanisms of labeling in embedded clauses, focusing on the critical role of externalization and complementizer overtness. While traditional minimalist theories posit that feature-sharing through overt movement is necessary for successful labeling, empirical evidence from wh-in-situ languages such as Korean and Japanese challenges this assumption. In these languages, embedded CPs are properly labeled and interpreted even though wh-elements remain in situ, without undergoing overt movement to SpecCP. Instead, overt complementizers supply sufficient morphosyntactic information to allow labeling. Building on the interface-sensitive approach of Murphy and Shim, this study argues that the overt realization of complementizers provides a morphophonological anchor that enables labeling independently of movement. Further drawing on Kitahara and Seely’s findings, a revised labeling algorithm is proposed: labeling is determined by minimal search for overt morphophonological material at the sensorimotor (SM) interface. This revised view also advances a more dynamic understanding of the interaction between syntax and interface systems.

This paper is a study of the notion of complementizer and the complementizers of Korean. The notion of complemetizer has changed through the development of the Generative Grammar. GB and PP's notion of that is quite different form ST's. This paper showed two notions of complementizer don’t match with some of endings of Korean which had identified as complementizers in their own way. Especially quotative ‘-go’ makes big problem. This paper suggested tentative solutions for some problems, and argued the necessity of modification of the notion for other problems.

This study aims to discuss the Zhi from the perspective of cross- linguistics by seeing Zhi as a type of a complementizer that appears in the inner structure of subject-predicate. In the first place, it examines the universality of a complementizer through the examples of Korean and English. Based on this, the particularity of 之 as a complementizer in ancient Chinese will be discussed in this study. Second of all, it examines the correspondence relations and conditions of the complemen- tizers of three languages by comparing the examples of complementizer ‘之’ with English and Korean translation, used in the book titled Mengzi, which is the representative literature in the pre-qin period. Lastly, it investigates the origin and cause of extinction of a complementizer, ‘之’ from the typological perspective.

이 논문은 스페인어에서 보문소-흔적 효과(complementizer-trace effect)의 부재를 국면성 계승(phasehood inheritance)의 관점에서 분석한다. 생성문법 연구에서 보문소-흔적 효과는 국면 경계(phase boundary)에 기반한 이동 제약으로 설명되어 왔지만, 이러한 접근 방식은 스페인어와 같은 언어에서 관찰되는 경험적 자료를 충분히 설명하지 못한다. 본고는 국면성이 C에서 T로 계승될 경우 CP가 더 이상 강한 국면 경계로 작용하지 않아, 주어의 이동이 보다 자유롭게 이루어질 수 있음을 제안한다. 이러한 분석을 토대로 내포절 보문소의 생략이 주어 이동 가능성에 미치는 영향을 논의한다. 구체적으로, 사실성(factivity) 동사의 내포절에서는 국면성이 C에 그대로 유지되어 강한 국면 경계를 형성하므로 보문소 생략이 불가능하며, 주어 이동 역시 제약된다. 반면, 비사실성(non-factive) 내포절에서는 국면성이 T로 계승됨으로써 국면 경계가 약화되어, 보문소 생략이 허용되고 주어 이동에 대한 제약 또한 완화된다. 이러한 국면성 계승은 스페인어의 보문소 생략 가능성, 직설법과 접속법의 선택, 그리고 주어 이동 제약 간의 상호작용을 설명하는 데 핵심 요소로 작용한다. 본 연구는 기존의 국면 이론의 설명 범위를 확장하여, 스페인어에서 보문소-흔적 효과의 부재와 보문소 생략 현상이 개별 언어의 단순한 특성이 아니라, 통사적 구조의 변화와 자질 계승의 결과임을 밝힌다.

This paper analyzes the absence of the complementizer-trace effect in Spanish from the perspective of phasehood inheritance. In generative grammar, the complementizer-trace effect has typically been explained as a constraint on movement across the boundary of strong phases, such as CP. However, such an approach does not adequately account for the empirical data observed in languages like Spanish. This study proposes that when phasehood is inherited from C to T, the CP no longer functions as a strong phase boundary, thus allowing subject extraction. Building on this analysis, the paper discusses how complementizer omission in embedded clauses affects subject movement possibilities. Specifically, in embedded clauses under factive verbs, phasehood remains at C, maintaining a strong phase boundary, thus prohibiting complementizer omission and restricting subject movement. In contrast, in non-factive embedded clauses, phasehood is inherited by T, weakening the phase boundary, thus permitting complementizer omission and relaxing constraints on subject movement. Such inheritance of phasehood serves as a crucial factor explaining the interactions among complementizer omission, indicative/subjunctive mood selection, and restrictions on subject movement in Spanish. By extending the explanatory scope of existing phase theory, this study demonstrates that the absence of the complementizer-trace effect and complementizer omission in Spanish are not merely language-specific phenomena but structural consequences of phasehood inheritance and feature transfer.