Earticle

Although scholars in the field are few, the prospects have never been greater for the translation into English of materials relating to Korean Buddhism. During the second half of the twentieth century, full translations of several principal texts appeared sporadically in a variety of intellectual contexts, but during the 1990s the Sourcebook of Korean Civilization and the Sources of Korean Tradition collections made well translated excerpts from seminal Korean Buddhist texts widely accessible to students and non-specialists for the first time. The recently published Religions of Korea in Practice will allow Korean Buddhist materials to reach an even greater audience. In the spring of 2007 the long awaited first volume of the Collected Works of Wŏnhyo will be published and two more volumes are scheduled to appear in 2008. Renowned scholars of Sinitic Buddhism are in the process of translating the Sajip, the basic curriculum of four texts studied in Korean Sŏn monasteries. Although Western scholars of Buddhism are making significant headway, because considerable difficulties remain, there is much room for interaction with Korean scholars of Buddhism and many kinds of Korean translations we would like to see.

“What is the text? Authority and authenticity in muga.” This question is the essential issue which I intend to elaborate in this article. One of the main issues to consider in translation work is the identification of the author. In the case of muga, the identification of the author or authors is not always easy and obvious. It requires a wider angle of perspective on authorship. Identification of the author can neither be ignored because s/he is a person in power, who retains the authority of the transmission of muga, nor be underestimated because s/he is in possession of the authority of the authenticity of muga even when its meaning differs from person to person (mudang, spiritual daughter, amateur or “minjung ethnographer”, scholar) and changes according to the context or to varieties present in religious language. Thus, the particular issue which I intend to explore in this article is the multiple figure of the author, while identifying the procedures of decontextualization of muga from its context and of its recontextualization in another context. In other words, by analyzing the modality followed by the author/s in the procedure of decontextualizing and recontextualizing pieces of muga within and outside the ritual, this article focuses on how this influences the text which is intended to have a wider significance. Translation of a muga will be defined in accordance with the new meanings of authority, authenticity and text. The ethnographic material on which the research is based is drawn from years of fieldwork and books and articles I have written on the subject.

Koreans have long preferred using the term uri (we or us) over na (I or me). In this regard, this preference can be perceived as one of the unique characteristics of the process through which Koreans establish relationships with others. Moreover, this perception is closely intertwined with the Confucian notion of communitarianism, and especially with Confucianism’s family-oriented ethics. Meanwhile, from a philosophical standpoint, this preference can be regarded as being closely related to the neo-Confucian School (朱子學)’s Li-Qi theory (理氣論, Principle and Material Force). Some have argued that while Koreans emphasize uri, they tend to not only avoid nae (my) but also to exclude those who they perceive as standing outside of this notion of uri. Nevertheless, the neo-Confucian School’s Li-Qi theory argues that not only has this notion of na always existed within a relationship, but that this na can be extended endlessly once this narrow fence of relationships is expanded. Certain scholars have advanced the belief that the notion of communities has by now all but collapsed. Furthermore, we now live in an era in which the notion of the blood tie-based family also finds itself coming under attack. This situation has led to calls for communities to be rebuilt. Koreans naturally feel more comfortable with the word uri than na. Here, it is important to note that the term uri does not include any desire to ensure the supremacy of na while excluding others. To this end, the Korean concept of uri can serve as a basis for the rebuilding of warm communities.

This study attempts to integrate Confucianism into postmodernity. To attain this, I intend to separate what can be referred to as authoritarian Confucianism (儒敎, yugyo) from Confucian teachings (儒學, yuhak). While authoritarian Confucianism refers to the political and social structure that emerged within Asian society as a result of the distortion of the thoughts of Confucius and Mencius, the term Confucian teachings denotes the doctrine pursued by Confucianists such as Confucius and Mencius. Thereafter, the focus will be placed on the fact that while authoritarian Confucianism exhibits pre-modern characteristics in the form of adherence to totalitarian Confucian teachings, the Confucian teachings feature postmodern characteristics that make it possible to integrate such Confucianism into postmodernity. A look at the relationship between authoritarian Confucianism and Confucian teachings within traditional Asian society reveals that while Confucian teachings attempted to overcome the hierarchical and despotic aspects of authoritarian Confucianism through such means as emphasizing the spirit of li yue (禮樂, rites and music) and the shanrang (禪讓, abdication of the throne to the worthiest) system, these goals were in the end never achieved. The hierarchical and despotic aspects of authoritarian Confucianism were in the end overcome in the modern era by Western modernity rather than Confucian teachings. There can be no denying that Western modernity played an important role within Asian society. However, it also created various problems within modern Korean society. In this regard, the issue of modernity is not one that is limited to Asian society, but rather one that involves all of humanity. Recent attempts to overcome the problems stemming from this modernity have revolved around the emergence of a postmodern trend within academia that has involved a general reconsideration and deconstruction of modernity. More to the point, this academic trend has focused on deconstructing the rationality behind Western modernity, while also emphasizing differences and diversity. However, there has been a general failure to emphasize the fact that these differences and diversity should be communicated. In this study, I intend to prove that Confucian teachings have pursued a communicational rationality through which such differences can be communicated. These Confucian teachings can serve as important ideological resources in the postmodern society.

Two varying opinions have emerged with regards to Zhu Xi’s lixue (禮學, study of rites). One of these argues that unlike Confucius’ lixue, Zhu Xi’s overemphasis on the formal features of li (禮, rites) caused the latter to become rigid and heteronymous. Moreover, Zhu Xi’s lixue eventually became the theoretical basis for the stagnation of Chosŏn society. Meanwhile, the other stance maintains that regardless of its standing as the main cause of rigid formality, the Zhu zi jia li (朱子家禮, Zhu Zi’s Family Rituals) constitutes an integral part of Korean traditions that must be preserved and passed on to future generations. For instance, the latter stance points to the fact that the guanli (冠禮, capping ceremony) and jili (笄禮, hair-pinning ceremony) prevalent amongst the sadaebu (士大夫, literati) class during the Chosŏn era, continues to be recreated in the present era. This study strives to reconsider Zhu Xi’s lixue from the standpoint of its formal nature. This undertaking can be construed as a reflection of the fact that the above-mentioned contrary evaluations of Zhu Xi’s lixue have failed to carry out sufficient theoretical examinations of the formal aspect of this study of rites. The importance of such an exercise lies in the fact that if the formal characteristics contained in Zhu Xi’s lixue are found to have constituted nothing more than an implement through which to suppress humans, then attempts to bring about the inheritance of this lixue in the modern era would effectively become futile. With this in mind, this study focuses on the formal characteristics of Zhu Xi’s lixue in order to analyze the implications of the formalism contained therein. Moreover, an attempt is also made to prove that Zhu Xi’s lixue was based on a compromise between ancient rites (古禮, guli) and current fashions (時俗, shisu), that is, the harmonization of tradition and modernity. Furthermore, the author also strives to shed light on the logic upon which Zhu Xi based his attempt to reach a compromise between ancient rites and current fashions. Ultimately, this study reaches the conclusion that the methodology employed by Zhu Xi to incorporate ancient rites can serve as a model when it comes to the incorporation of traditional rites in the contemporary era. This study as such attempts to identify the significance of the formalistic characteristics of Zhu Xi’s lixue, and to search for a modern methodology through which Zhu Xi’s lixue can be used to incorporate traditional rites.

Among the large variety of elegant and refined inlaid decorations adorning celadon wares from the Koryŏ dynasty (918–1392), the motifs of flying cranes and drifting clouds are undoubtedly the two most popular and celebrated. Despite their immense appeal and beauty, recent scholarship has not yet conducted research on the origin and dissemination of these two ornamental patterns. The lack of research on these important motifs is due to the absence of artistic precedents in Korea, so that scholars of Koryŏ celadons were hitherto unable to trace artistic sources for the flying cranes and drifting cloud designs. In order to better understand the origins of the flying cranes and stylized cloud patterns, it is necessary to explore some Chinese visual precedents from the Tang (618–906), Song (960–1279), Liao (907–1125) and Jin (1115–1234) dynasties. The first part of this paper surveys some examples of flying cranes and cloud motifs depicted on wall paintings, silk fragments, embroidered silk tapestry, and garments. The second part examines several important examples of inlaid celadon wares, for a better understanding of how Koryŏ potters made creative use of the flying cranes and stylized clouds to enhance the beauty of these objects. By identifying the possible Chinese artistic precedents for these ornaments, a much deeper appreciation of these patterns on Koryŏ celadons may be attained.