Earticle

본고는 18세기~19세기 중부 방언을 반영한 ≪경신록언석≫과 ≪은진송씨 송병필 가 언간≫을 중심으로 ‘어→ 으’ 고모음화 현상과 ‘오→ 우’ 고모음화 현상을 살펴보 았다. 중세국어 모음체계가 변화됨으로써 각 음소의 음가가 변화됨은 물론, 대립관계 를 형성하는 대립자질의 변화로 모음들 간의 대립관계도 점진적으로 변화되었을 것이 다. 이러한 변화의 과정에서 모음 /으/와 모음 /어/, 모음 /오/와 모음 /우/는 혀의 고저 자질에 의해 대립관계를 형성하였다. 따라서 고모음화 현상의 발생 시기를 파악하는 일은 해당 지역의 모음체계를 재구하는 데 중요한 요소가 되며, ≪경신록언석≫을 통 해 ‘어→ 으’ 고모음화 현상의 발생 시기가 18세기 후반으로 소급될 수 있을 것임을 확인해 보았다. 모음 /오/와 모음 /우/, 모음 /어/와 모음 /으/는 혀의 고저 위치에서 대립관계를 형성하지만, 이들 모음 사이의 음성적 거리는 동일하게 형성되지 않았을 것이다. 따라서 전설모음화와 원순모음화, 비원순모음화의 실현양상을 통해 모음 /오/와 모음 /우/의 음성적 거리가 모음 /어/와 모음 /으/에 비해 가까울 것임을 추정해 보았다. 이러한 차 이로 인해 폐구조음 원리에 의해 발생하는 고모음화 현상이 실현상 차이를 보이게 되 는 것이며, 이는 18세기~19세기에 ‘오→ 우’ 고모음화 현상이 상대적으로 더딘 발달 양상을 보이는 이유로 설명될 수 있을 것이다.

This paper examined the vowel raising of “eo → eu” and “o → u” b y focusing on Gyeongsinrokeonseok and Eunjin Songssi Songbyeongpilga Eongan, two records that reflect the central dialect from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. Changes to the vowel system of Middle Korean would have led to changes, not only in each phoneme and phonetic value but also in the contrastive features, thereby resulting in gradual changes in the contrastive relations between the vowels. Through such changes, the vowels /eu/ and /eo/, and the vowels /o/ and /u/ formed contrastive relations by the features of tongue height. The two sets of vowels, however, would have had different phonetic distance between each other. This paper examined realizations of vowel raising, labialization, and unrounding of the vowels to posit that the phonetic distance between the vowels /o/ and /u/ would have been relatively closer than the phonetic distance between the vowels /eu/ and /eo/. Such difference resulted in the different realizations of front-vowelization, which was caused by the destructuring of vowels, and could shed light on the relatively slower development of vowel raising of “o → u” from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century.

본 논문에서는 담화표지의 출현경향으로부터 도쿄, 오사카, 센다이방언의 젊은층을 대상으로 담화전개방법의 지역차를 고찰했다. 그 결과 세 지역에서 사용되는 담화표지의 종류와 출현 순서는 유사하지만, 담화표지의 출현경향, 즉 담화표지의 출현빈도에서는 지역차가 인정된다는 것이 밝혀졌다. 이 세 지역의 자세한 비교는 앞으로의 과제이다. 또한 앞으로는 더욱 대상지역을 넓혀 젊은층에서의 담화전개방법의 지역차에 대해 고찰하는 것이 과제로 남아있다.

This paper analyzed the regional difference of the discourse deployment method of Tokyo, Osaka and the Sendai's younger generation by comparing the appearance tendency of discourse markers. As a result, it was found that the discourse marker’s type and the appearance tendency were similar but the appearance number was different among them. Further researches of the younger generation's regional difference of discourse development method are necessary for these three regions and another regions.

]The purpose of this paper is to analyze the gender difference of regional dialects use in internet communication language. The informants are alumni of a primary school at Hadong, who are early forties. We analyze the materials collected from the notice board of internet cafe and blog that they participate in. First, we examine the usages from a standpoint of the motive or function of dialect use. We analyze the gender difference of dialects use concretely using a case study and a statistical analysis method. Also, we examine the language attitude of informants about the dialects and the standard language of Korean.The result of analysis is the following. The informants used dialect forms vigorously in internet communication more than everyday speech. In gender difference, men used dialects highly in frequency than women, and they used various dialect forms. Men used them actively to preserve friendship and feel closeness among the friends. Women wrote in a calm manner as a kind of observers. Women used dialect forms considerately depending on context because they intend harmonious relation with others. It was confirmed that dialect is spread widely and has solid position in internet space, but it has supplementary function of the standard language.

이 글에서 우리는 제주도 방언에서 상대높임을 나타내는 두 표현, 즉 ‘-수다’와 ‘-읍네다’에는 어떠한 의미차가 있는가를 밝혀 보려고 한다. 고영진(2007)에 의하면, 제주도 방언에서는 ‘-느-’가 형용사와도 자유롭게 결합할 수 있는데, 그 때 그것의 의미는 “항상성”이라고 한다. 본고에서 논의한 두 어미는 상대높임의 등분은 같으나, ‘-읍네다’의 ‘-네-’에는 “항상성”을 뜻하는 ‘-느-’가 녹아 있기 때문에 “상대높임과 항상성”의 의미를 가지나, ‘-수다’에는 ‘-느-’가 들어 있지 않기 때문에 “상대높임”의 뜻밖에 없다. 이러한 ‘-수다’와 ‘-읍네다’의 구별은, 형용사에서 전형적으로 나타나는 것이 보통이기는 하나, 동사에서도 확인이 된다. 다만, ‘-수다’는 동사의 어간에 직접 통합되지 않으며, 명령 및 청유형과도 공존할 수 없음이 특징적이다.

In Jeju Dialect, there are two honorific sentential endings equivalent to the standard Korean ending ‘-s?pnida’: ‘-suda’ and ‘-?pneda.’ This paper explains the differences between these two sentential endings. Specifically, this paper argues the meaning of ‘permanent state’ which is expressed by ‘-n?-’ in adjectives in Jeju Dialect that is proposed by Ko(2007). The ending ‘-?pneda’ can be analyzed into four different morphemes as ‘-?p+n?+?i+da’. However, ‘-suda’ does not contain ‘-n?-’ which means ‘permanent state.’ This is the reason that caused the difference between ‘-suda’ and ‘-?pneda’ in Jeju Dialect. We often find the difference in meanings between two endings in adjectives but rarely in verbs. Another difference in two endings is that ‘-suda’ does not connect directly to a verb stem nor to the imperative and suggestive.

입성(入声)이란, 중세 중국어(中古汉语)에서는 평성, 상성, 거성, 입성으로 이루어지는 4성 성조체계의 일부분을 말하며, 현대 중국어(现代汉语)에서는 중세 중국어의 입성에 연원을 두는 ‘성조 범주(调类)’를 가리킨다. 본 논문에서는 광둥 메이센 방언(广东梅县话(커자 방언, 客家话)), 푸젠 푸칭 방언(福建福清话(민 방언, 闽语)), 베이징 방언(北京话(북방 관화, 北方官话))의 입성에 대하여 간략히 기술하고, 최적성이론을 통하여 이 세 방언에서 입성의 실현 양상이 왜 달리 나타나는가에 대하여 설명을 시도하였다. 10개의 제약조건 Ident(Place), Ident(Cons), MAX, DEP, Ident(Manner), No-CodaOral, No-CodaCons, No-Coda, No-MonoCoda, No-CodaObs 간의 제약등급관계에 따라, 메이센 방언에서는 중세 중국어의 입성 운미가 유지되었고, 푸칭 방언에서는 3개의 구강 파열음이 모두 성문 파열음으로 수렴되었으며, 베이징 방언에서는 운미가 모음으로 변하거나 탈락되었다.

Checked tone was te part of ‘four tone system’ consisting of ‘level tone, rising tone, falling tone, and checked tone’ in Middle Chinese, and it is that the tone category having origin of checked tone in Middle Chinese. This thesis gives a brief description of checked tone in Moiyen dialect (Guangdong Province), Fuqing dialect(Fujian Province) and Beijing dialect. Further, this article tries to explain the difference in the aspect of parsing between three dialects using optimality theory. According to hierarchy between ten constraints, codas of checked tone in Middle Chinese has different aspects of parsing between each dialect in Modern Chinese. First, Checked tone in Moiyen and Fuqing dialect has difference in the place of articulation, for faithful constraints related with articulatory place dominate markedness constraints. Second, Consonant Coda Checked tone has not parsed in Beijing dialect, this is the different point from other two dialects. Some of Checked tone changed into Vowel Coda because of the hierarchy related with ‘consonant’ feature, but most of them have disappeared completely, because the markedness constraint which restrict coda has higher level than faithfulness constraint. Third, there is no insertion of segmental sound in coda, for faithfulness constraint dominate markedness constraint restricting mono-coda. And because faithfulness constraint on the manner of articulation has domination over markedness constraint, there is no nasalization or lateralization in the coda of checked tone.

This study examined the differences in lexical pitch trajectories between speakers in their 20s and 50s from Daegue speakers, using two-syllable and one-syllable minimal pairs. For two-syllable minimal pairs, speakers in their 20s showed similar pitch trajectories, but speakers in their 50s represented different pitch trajectories depending on tones. Speakers in their 20s did not show the significant F0 difference between the two syllables in [HL] and [LH] as much as speakers in their 50s. For one-syllable minimal pairs, speakers in their 50s showed partially different pitch trajectories, but speakers in their 20s did not. These results indicate that speakers in their 50s use pitch trajectory differences better than speakers in their 20s in order to distinguish lexical meaning. However, for speakers in their 50s, a gentle slope in rising-high and rising-falling pitch trajectory shows that a change in tones has been undergone.

The purpose of this paper is to survey and analyze the difference on polysemy & structural ambiguity. Many languages have various meanings in a vocabulary and various sentence structures. Polysemy is a complex term and an important factor in a conversational situation. Therefore, polysemy is the best important term in a learning language. There are many polysemous words in English and Korean. Of course, Jeju dialect has many polysemous words and structural ambiguities. Metaphor is one of the best ways in expressing polysemous meaning. There are many metaphorical expressions of polysemy in Jeju dialect. When we communicate with each other, we have to understand the meaning of words and use the words appropriately. Otherwise, misunderstanding is caused in a conversational situation. Therefore, polysemy and structural ambiguity are distinguished and used in learning and communicating in English as well as Jeju dialect.

This paper investigates differences between generations in the vowel system of the Daegu dialect in terms of F1 and F2 of the monophthongs. Three different groups of subjects participated in the present study: 20 female native speakers of the Daegu dialect(10 in their 20's and 10 in their 40's), and 10 female native speakers of the Seoul dialect as a control group. It has been assumed that the Daegu dialect has six vowels. However, younger generation appears to have 7 vowels different from older generation. The result of the present study showed that the Daegu dialect has different vowel systems between generations: for 40's have six vowels and 20's have seven vowels. These differences seems to be attributed to the influence of the Seoul dialect.

구례 방언의 문법 형태와 세대 차이에 따라 사용하는 문법 형태의 변화에대해 알아보았다. 몇몇 특징적인 것을 보면 다음과 같다. 대명사는 ‘여기’를 여그/여, ‘거기’를 ‘거’, ‘저기’를 ‘저그’ ‘언제’를 ‘은제/언제’로 한다. 이 형태들은 60대, 10대 모두에서 사용하지 않는다. 종결어미와경어법 형태는 예사높임의 ‘-오’를 안 쓴다. 나머지 높임 체계에 따른 어미는표준어와 같다. 높임법 격식체 종결어미는 60대에서는 대체적으로 방언 형태그대로 사용하나 10대에서는 격식체 높임 종결어미는 거의 사용하지 않고, 비격식체의 ‘-어/아, -어요/아요, -세요’를 활발하게 사용하고 있다. 연결어미‘-니까’의 방언 형태는 ‘-ㄴ께/-ㅇ께’인데, 60대, 10대 모두에서 사용하지 않는다. ‘-어 버리다’에 대응하는 방언 보조동사는 ‘-어 뿌리다’인데, 60대, 10대모두 사용하지 않는다. 표준어와는 완전히 다른 부사 형태는 ‘몽땅, 퍼뜩, 보도시, 끄떡허먼/툭허먼, 무담시, 겁나게/허벌나게/되게’ 등이 있다. 이들 중 60 대, 10대 모두 안 쓰는 부사는 ‘몽땅, 퍼뜩, 허벌나게’이고, 60대에는 사용하나 10대에서는 안 쓰는 부사는 ‘보도시, 무담시, 되게’가 있다. 60대, 10대에서 계속 쓰는 부사는 ‘끄떡허먼/툭허먼, 겁나게’가 있다. 방언이 표준어화 되어가는 배경에는 방언에 비하여 표준어에 대한 선호의식과 방언 학습 환경의 소멸화, 표준어 학습 환경의 확대 등이 있다.

I researched the grammatical morphemes of the Gurye dialect and the morphemes used differently by the generation difference. They speak the dialect 'yeogeu/yeo' instead of 'yeogi', 'geo' instead of 'geogi', 'jeogeu' instead of 'jeogi'. But now the 60s people do not use the dialects. The sentence honorific and final endings of the dialect except '-o' are used such as the standard word. And ths 60s use the same morphemes with the dialect but the 10s vividly use the unformal honorific endings '-a, -ayo, seyo'. The connective ending '-nikka' is used in the dialect as '-kke', but in the 60s, the 10s the '-kke' is not used now. The auxiliary verb '-beorida' is used in the dialect as '-bburida', but in the 60s, the 10s the '-bburida' is not used now. There are different the dialect adverbs with the standard adverbs. They are 'mongttang, pertteuk, etc. In the adverbs 'mongttang, pertteuk, heobeolnage' are not used in the 60s and the 10s. The adverbs used inthe 60s but not used in the 10s are 'bodosi, mudamsi, doige'. The adverbs which are used in the 60s and the 10s by now are 'kkeutteokheomyun, tukheomyn'.

This paper aims to use the machine of the experiment 4300B CSL to analyze the Korean monophthong in Phonetics. Until now, there are so many analysis on monophthong about the standard language of Korean in Phonetics, but less analysis about the Korean dialect. So this paper analyzes the monophthong of the musun Dialect through the informants. As the result, we can see the the old ages’ front vowel on [ㅣ], [ㅔ], [ㅐ] are stronger than the young ages. And the old ages’ mouth are bigger than the young ages when the speak the [ㅏ]. In the musun of Korea, all th people speak the [ㅚ]and [ㅟ]as a diphthong. The analysis of Study on the musun dialect may help to comprehend the monophthong system of the Korean musun dialect accurately.

Tibetan language is of which is spoken by the tibetan tribes living in P.R. China and surrounding countries, and U-Tsang dialect is used in the central and western area of Xizang Autonomous Region. Onset consonant cluster, of which is one of the important characteristics in Tibetan language, is known as the disappeared in U-Tsang dialect, e.g Lhasa dialect. But, some dialects in Houzangtuyu such as Gar dialect at U-Tsang preserve consonant cluster under restrictive conditions. This kind of difference between Lhasa dialect and Gar dialect is resulted from the distinction between the constraint hierarchies. In Lhasa dialect of which constraints *Complex-Onset, I-Contig, *Vd-Obs Onset rank high, consonant cluster can’t be parsed and change into single consonant. But if subscript is ?, segments in front of ? are parsed as voiceless retroflex affricate. Though consonant clusters are kept under specific conditions in Gar dialect of which constraint Onset-Cond dominates other constraints, but the first phoneme is fixed as ‘n’ because of constraints *σ[[-Nas]∨[-Cor]CV.