Earticle

본 논문은 한국어 소설 원본과 일본어 번역본, 일본어 소설 원본과 한국어 번역본을 대상으로 한국어와 일본어의 주격조사 ‘이/가’와 ‘が’, 주제표시 ‘은/는’과 ‘は’의 대응 양상의 한 단면을 밝히는데 목적이 있다. 주어에 나타나는 ‘이/가’, ‘은/는’과 ‘が’, ‘は’의 대응 양상을 계량적으로 분석하고 ‘이/가’와 ‘が’, ‘은/는’과 ‘は’가 대응하지 않는 경우 를 중심으로 그러한 쓰임의 차이에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대해 살펴보았다. 본 논문의 고찰 내용을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 먼저 한국어의 ‘이/가’, ‘은/는’과 일본어의 ‘が’, ‘は’의 대응 양상을 계량적으로 살펴 본 결과 한국어소설 원본의 ‘는’이 ‘は’로 대응하는 경우는 83.8%, 일본어소설 원본의 ‘が’가 ‘이/가’로 대응하는 경우는 81.5%로 높았던 반면에, 한국어소설 원본의 ‘이/가’가 ‘が’로 대응하는 경우는 70.0%, 일본어소설 원본의 ‘は’가 ‘은/는’으로 대응하는 경우는 64.5%에 그쳤다. 이를 통해 한국어 주격조사 ‘이/가’의 쓰임이 일본어 주격조사 ‘が’의 쓰임보다 포괄적이고, 일본어 주제표지 ‘は’의 쓰임이 한국어 주제표지 ‘은/는’의 쓰임 보다 포괄적임을 알 수 있었다. 다음으로 한국어의 ‘이/가’와 일본어의 ‘は’, 한국어의 ‘은/는’과 일본어의 ‘が’가 대응 하는 경우에 한정하여 그 쓰임을 살펴본 결과 부정문에서의 주제화, 간접적 연관성에 의한 주제화, 현장지시･문맥지시에서의 주제화, 직전･직후 발화와의 연관성에 의한 주 제화 등 일본어의 ‘は’가 주로 쓰이는 환경을 밝힐 수 있었다.

The purpose of this study is to examine the correspondence between the nominative case markers ‘i/ga’ and ‘ga’ and between the topic markers ‘ɨn/nɨn’ and ‘wa’ observed in the Korean novel “Chaesikjuuija” and its Japanese translation, and the Japanese novel “Shūmatsu no Fūru” and its Korean translation. The corresponding patterns of ‘i/ga’, ‘ɨn/nɨn’ and ‘ga’, ‘wa’, which appear in the subjects, were quantitatively analyzed, and the factors that caused the dissimilarity in usage were examined for the cases where ‘i/ga’ and ‘ɨn/nɨn’ did not correspond to ‘ga’ and ‘wa’, respectively. The results of this study are summarized as follows. First, quantitative analysis of the correspondence between ‘i/ga’ and ‘ɨn/nɨn’, and ‘ga’ and ‘wa’ revealed that the Korean nominative case marker ‘i/ga’ is used more widely than the Japanese nominative case marker ‘ga’, and the Japanese topic marker ‘wa’ is used more widely than the Korean topic marker ‘ɨn/nɨn’ Second, as a result of examining the cases where ‘i/ga’ corresponds to ‘wa’, and ‘ɨn/nɨn’ corresponds to ‘ga’, it was observed that the environments where ‘wa’ is mainly used include topicalization in negative sentences, topicalization by indirect connection, topicalization in onsite and contextual indication, and topicalization by the connection with the previous or following utterances.

From the conversation-analytic perspective, this paper investigates the interactional import of -nun used in assessment activities. The analysis of naturally-occurring interactions suggests that the domain-shifting function of -nun is closely attuned to shifting, or even reversing, the valence of the speaker's evaluative stance in a way that invokes a hitherto unmentioned domain as grounds for soliciting the interlocutor's agreement/affiliation, expressing partial agreement, or marking oblique disagreement. Often formulated as an overstatement to be retracted and/or as a move to solicit the interlocutor's collaborative uptake through claiming knowledge (or lack thereof), the nun-utterance furnishes the speaker with a resource for obliquely implementing face-threatening actions, pursuing common ground, or upgrading affect. Embodying the speaker's ‘exploratory’ stance, the use of -nun conveys the sense that the speaker is going beyond the ‘appearance’ of the matter at hand (e.g., a sub-domain from which a new generic feature may be drawn and attributed to the referent). This practice, which is further supported by the nun-marked adverbials formulated as a ‘logical guidepost expression’, provides for the basis on which the speaker organizes assessment activities in an other-attentive way, e.g., through upgrading affiliation and downgrading disaffiliation vis-a-vis the interlocutor's prior action, while sustaining his/her baseline stance and epistemic independency.

From the conversation-analytic perspective, this paper examines the interactional meaning of -nun with reference to its constitutive role of organizing assessment activities in naturally occurring conversations. -Nun is analyzed as a grammatical resource deployed for ‘shifting’ the domain whose relevancies are transiently invoked as a new assessable being brought up, or as delimiting the scope of valency to be accorded the assessable. The domain-shifting makes relevant a new set of stance-taking possibilities, which is done in an ‘other-attentive’ way; the shift is made either towards minimizing stance difference and promoting rapport among the participants in the context of disagreement, or towards further elaborating stance alignment what agreement is already in place. The ‘other-attentive’ orientation that the nun-speaker displays in managing his/her stance vis-a-vis the other’s is countervailed by his/her epistemic claim about the invoked domain, whose valency is additionally modulated by sentence-ending suffixes (SESs). The domain-shifting practice, mediated by -nun, draws upon membership categorization work as its organizational basis. Tied to the categories or category-bound features invoked in the prior context, different aspects or types of the assessable, marked by -nun, are transiently brought up as part of a contrastive device. This practice furnishes the speaker with a resource for formulating his/her action as an ‘affiliative’ (though not necessarily ‘aligning’) move geared towards managing stance and face as a collaborative interactional business.

Jong-sup Jun. 2007. Korean Has No Unique Topic Marker. Language and Linguistics 39, 199-218. It is widely assumed in the literature that -(n)un is a unique topic marker (TM) in Korean. This assumption is problematic, in that topics are not always marked by -(n)un, and -(n)un sometimes mark foci. In this paper, I argue that -(n)un is not a unique TM, but a morphosyntactically neutral marker for arguments bearing various cases and diverse adjuncts. The subjects of intransitive individual-level predicates, the -(n)un-marked subjects of embedded clauses, and the information status of -(n)un-marked constituents support my claim that Korean has no unique TM. The proposed analysis also provides a natural account for the topic/focus status of -(n)un-marked NPs in the focusing context by palo '(roughly) the very', and in the multiple nominative construction. By examining a classical assumption, this paper sets up a new stepping stone to develop a comprehensive theory of information structure in Korean.

In L2 production, be-forms are often inserted before thematic verbs (e.g., She is study hard). There have been two hypotheses concerning the function of be-forms, that they are topic markers transferred from L1 or tense/agreement morphemes. This study examines the explanatory adequacy of the two hypotheses by comparing acceptability judgments and self-paced listening between Korean and Russian EFL learners. The results support neither hypothesis completely. Contrary to the Topic Marker Hypothesis, both L2 groups accepted be-insertion after non-topic as well as topic subjects. Against the T/AGR Morpheme Hypothesis, participants also accepted be-insertion after topicalized non-subjects. These results suggest that be-forms can have two functions simultaneously, and thus the two hypotheses must not be considered mutually exclusive. The data also call into question the role of L1 transfer, suggesting that the phenomenon may reflect a universal L2 strategy.

Korean learners who learn English as a foreign language tend to use the verb be excessively in the initial stage of acquisition. Traditionally, there have been two opposing explanations about these errors. The first one is “topic marker view” (Ahn, 2003) and the other is “functional category view” (Yang, 2001). I carried out a corpus study using a learner corpus called KELC to examine which view explains the phenomenon more plausibly. After checking 1,235 error sentences I conclude that the errors are not explained by a sole reason. Instead, I suggest that the errors involve both the language transfer effect that is due to the topic prominence of Korean and the underdeveloped functional categories appearing in learners’ developmental stages.

The marker -un/nun, which has been one of the most frequently discussed topics in Korean linguistics, is reanalyzed in this paper. This paper first introduces the well-known division of contrastive and non-contrastive un/nun-marked topics, and questions why contrastive topics and non-contrastive topics share the common morphological marking. Then, based on the classification of topics into ratified and unratified topics which is proposed by Lambrecht & Michaelis (1998), it suggests a unified account of -un/nun that can cover both contrastive and non-contrastive cases. According to Lambrecht & Michaelis (1998), topics are ratified when their topic role is assumed to be taken for granted by an addressee at utterance time, and they are unratified when their topic role is not assumed to be taken for granted by an addressee. And they show that English and French adopt different formal markings for their ratified and unratified topics. After presenting a few examples of Korean ratified topics, which show that Korean uses zero pronouns or unaccented bare NPs for its ratified topics, this paper introduces four cases of un/nun-marked topics and examines their discourse contexts, and it is shown that all of the four cases belong to unratified topics in Korean. In other words, the four cases of un/nun-marked topics show that the function of -un/nun in the discourse is marking the unratified status of a topic to which it attaches.

In this paper, I experimentally examine the prosodic properties of items with the particle -nun, which are so-called topic expressions in Korean. I conducted a series of three judgment and production experiments. Through these experiments, I determined whether the following two widely accep-ted assumptions can be held at the same time: (i) the assumption that treats any -nun marked constituents as a sub-category of the topic comprising a component of information structure; and (ii) the assumption that, in Korean, the existence of -nun combined with a prosodic accent is sufficient to make a felicitous utterance in any type of contrastive topicinducing context. In the course of experimentation I investigated the realization of -nun both in its prosodic form and in its linear placement within a sentence. The results suggest that -nun should be separated from the sole function of marking an information structure component ‘Topic.’ The conclusion of these experiments urges us to reconsider the well-studied particle -nun.

This study investigates how topic continuity is realized in colloquial Korean when zero anaphora or case marker dropping is involved. It also discusses when the case marker dropping is possible and when it is not possible, as well as how Korean speakers process utterances that involve instances of zero anaphora or case marker dropping. It argues that the use and non-use of zero anaphora or case marker is closely related to the discourse continuity, i.e. the more continuous the discourse topic (or referent) is, the less overt linguistic expression is necessary.

This paper examines whether 'i/ka' functions as a topic marker in Korean or not. First of all, I choose the definition of topic and focus in terms of relational givenness, and treat topic and focus as relationally old and new information respectively. Then, I discuss the status of 'i/ka' as a topic marker critically by examining the examples in the literature on 'i/ka' as a topic marker from the three aspects: misuse of topic or focus, confusion of linguistic levels, and confusion between relational givenness and referential givenness. Through such an examination, it is found that the examples cannot make sure the topichood of 'X-i/ka' at all. Finally, I expose two kinds of examples which have not been considered seriously in the literature on 'i/ka' as a topic marker, but seem to show the usage of 'X-i/ka' as topic. The information structure of those examples concerns with the individual/stage-level properties of the predicates employed. But some thorough examination shows that they cannot guarantee the status of 'i/ka' as a topic marker, either. Therefore, it is concluded that 'i/ka' is not a topic marker.

2세 한국 아동의 보조사 ‘은/는’ 산출에 관한 종단연구: 용언형태를 중심으로. 언어청각장애연구, 2004, 제9권, 제3호, 36-50. 본 연구는 한국 아동의 주제보조사 ‘은/는’의 습득과정에 관한 연구로 2;0 - 2;10세 2명 아동의 종단적 발화 자료를 이용하여 초기 문장 산출 단계에서 조사가 중요한 역할을 할 것이라는 가정 하에 조사의 산출과 용언의 발달을 연결짓고자 하였다. 특히 주어 및 주제의 표현과 관련하여 문장 내에서 주어표지, 특히, 주제의 표현을 위해 비교적 사용빈도가 높은 보조사 ‘은/는’의 표현이 용언발달과 어떻게 관련이 있는지를 살펴보았다. 또한 주어 및 주제의 표지, 생략에 따라 어떠한 형태의 용언들이 사용되는지를 살펴봄으로써 한국 2세 아동의 용언발달 및 조사의 발달 특성을 밝히고자 시도하였다. 그 결과, 첫째, 두 아동 모두 관찰이 시작된 2;0세에 이미 한국어의 다양한 용언표현들을 익숙하게 사용하고 있었으며 초기 발화에서는 타동사보다는 계사와 자동사 표현이 많았다. 그러나 2세 후반으로 갈수록 타동사 표현 빈도가 증가함을 알 수 있었다. 둘째, 관찰이 시작된 2;0세부터 2세 초기에는 주제 표지를 위해 두 아동 모두 주제보조사 ‘은/는’을 타동사보다는 계사 및 자동사와 더 빈번하게 표현하였으며, 2;8세에서 2;10세에 이르러 타동사 표현 빈도가 증가하는 것과 동시에 타동사와 함께 사용하는 ‘은/는’ 표현 빈도가 증가하였다. 이러한 결과에 덧붙여 보조사 ‘은/는’의 사용에서의 실수, 주제화 표현의 발달에 대한 논의를 시도하였다.

The present study was designed to investigate the acquisition of Korean topic marker ‘n(un)’ and predicates according to the features of overt and null subjects/topics using the longitudinal data from two Korean young children who were two years of age. Data were collected at the homes of the children with their mother present every two weeks during the time when the children were aged from 2;0-2;10. The results suggest that the Korean children produce the predicates as a copular, as a intransitive verb, and as a transitive verb in the early acquisition stage(from the age of 2;0). The major findings of this study indicate that transitive verbs and copulars were produced more frequently than intransitive ones. It is proposed that the topic marker ‘n(un)’ was produced more frequently with copulars or intransitive verbs than with transitive ones to the age of 2;6. It is also proposed that the topicalization with the topic marker ‘n(un)’ is the potential indicator for the production of subject arguments during early language acquisition in Korean.

담화는 궁극적인 의미를 지향하는 여러 문장의 구조물로서 일정한 정보적 흐름을 이루며 결속된다. 담화를 이루는 문장들은 명제적인 의미 외에 일정한 정보 구조를 이루는데 화제는 문장의 정보 구조와 관련을 맺는다. 화제는 담화 맥락에 공유되어 기지 정보를 이루는 것으로서 발화자 및 텍스트 생산자의 의도적 판단에 의해 선정되며 전개될 담화의 영역을 설정할 뿐만 아니라 선행절과 후행절의 결속기제로도 기능한다. 국어에서 화제는 생략되기도 하고 실현되기도 하는데 화제가 실현될 때는 화제 표지 ‘은/는’이 동반된다. 화제 표지 ‘은/는’은 담화의 도입부에서 선행 명사구를 중심으로 담화가 전개될 때, 담화의 전개 과정에서 화제가 선행명사구로 전환될 때 실현되며 화제는 다양한 양상으로 전개되어 담화를 결속시키는 응집 장치로 기능한다. 담화 응집 장치로서의 화제 표지 ‘은/는’은 한국어 교육의 초기 단계에 학습이 이루어지지만 고급에 이르기까지 높은 오류율을 보이는데 화제 표지 ‘은/는’의 정확한 사용을 위해서는 화제의 개념과 화제의 전개 방식에 대한 이해가 선행되어야 하며 화제 표지 실현의 담화 조건에 대한 교수학습 및 다양한 연습 활동이 이루어져야 한다. 또한 반복 및 확장을 통해 ‘은/는’의 통합적 기능에 대한 교육이 이루어져야 한다.

Discourse is a structure of several sentences comprising a regular informational stream and aiming for eventual significance. The sentences that comprise a discourse form a regular information structure besides having propositional significance; however, the topic becomes involved with the informational structure of the sentences. Topic forms the base information by being shared in the narrative context, which is selected by the intentional determination of the speaker and the text producer functioning to unite the precedent sentence and the following sentence besides selecting the area of discourse to be developed later. Topic is either omitted or embodied in Korean; when a topic is embodied, the topic marker “un/nun” accompanies the topic. Topic marker “un/nun” is embodied when the topic is transferred to the precedent noun phrase in the course of the development of the discourse when the discourse is developed mainly with the precedent noun phrase in the introduction of the discourse. Accordingly, the topic is developed to its various aspects and the topic marker functions as a cohesive device that consolidates the discourse. In Korean language education, the use of topic marker “un/nun” as discourse-cohesive device is learnt in the initial stages; however, there is a high degree of error seen up to the level of advanced classes as the exact use of topic marker “un/nun” requires precedence of concept and condition of topic and an understanding of topic development. In addition, teaching and learning discourse conditions for topic marker embodiment and various practice activities are also required to understand its function thoroughly. Furthermore, learning the integrated functions of “un/nun” needs practice through repetition and extension.

Korean Marker ‘NUN’ for Contrastive Topicand Contrastive Focus

This study aims to analyze the meaning and function of Korean word ‘Geureonde(그런데)’ in the view point of discourse levels and to look into the way of Chinese translation of this correspondence. The materials used for the study is the Korean drama, ‘My love from the star’. This study explores the discourse functions of ‘Geureonde’ by focusing on the topic development. In addition, the function of the topic development is investigated by dividing ‘topic introduction’, ‘to snatch turn-taking’, ‘to hold turn-taking’, and ‘to hand over turn-taking’. When grammaticalization process of ‘Geureonde’ is weak, it represents the dictionary meaning and when deep, the function of discourse marker progresses stronger. This phenomenon is reflected on the Chinese translation such that ‘danshi(但是)’, ‘keshi(可是)’, ‘buguo(不过)’ is used for ‘Geureonde’ when grammaticalization process is weak and another expression such as huashuo(‘话说)’, ‘suoyi(所以)’, ‘ranshou(然后)’, etc. are used or even omitted when grammaticalization process is strong.