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이 연구는 2000년대 후반 독립다큐멘터리 영화장에 진입한 여성 감독을 주목해 이들의 집합적인 위치와 문화 실천의 의미를 살펴본다. 다큐멘터리 장의 특수성과 사회적 조건의 교차지점에서 여성 감독들의 제작에서부터 일상적 경험을 주목하는 것이다. 이를 위해 다양한 배경의 여성 다큐멘터리 감독들을 만나 심층인터뷰를 실시했으며, 집단적 경험을 현재의 시점을 중심으로 재구성했다. 먼저 여성 감독들의 다큐멘터리 장 진입 경험과 정체성 형성과정을 살펴보았다. 그리고 장의 구조적 변화에 따라 전문화되고 복잡해지는 제작방식과 다양한 갈등 양상을 알아보았다. 또 젠더적 요소가 기존 다큐멘터리 장의 미학과 하비투스와 결합할 때 일부 갈등적 관계가 형성될 수 있음을 살펴보았다. 이 갈등은 상징투쟁의 일환으로 다큐멘터리 장을 다채롭게 하는 데 이바지한다. 한편 독립다큐멘터리 장은 경제논리 강화에 따른 경쟁의 심화와 양극화의 위기에 있다. 그러나 이를 타계할 창작 시스템은 부재한 상태에서 상위의 미디어 장의 확대에도 영향을 받고 있다. 이러한 위기 속에서도 여성 감독들은 자신의 작업관을 강력하게 견지하려 하지만 그 위치는 공고하지 않다고 생각하는 편이다. 하지만 이미 다큐멘터리 장내 여성 감독들은 서로에게 영향을 주는 존재가 되고 있다. 다큐멘터리의 스타일과 상관없이, 비판적인 지식인의 위치에서 여성 감독들은 ‘여성’‘들’로 감각하는 문화실천으로 다큐멘터리 장에 기여 중이다.

This study focuses on female filmmakers who entered the independent documentary film field in the late 2000s and explores their collective position and the meaning of their cultural practices. It examines the intersections between the specificity of the documentary field and the social condition of the daily experiences of female filmmakers from the point of production. In this study, in-depth interviews were conducted with female documentary filmmakers, and their collective experience was reconstructed based on the present point of view. First, the experience of entering the documentary field and the process of identity formation as experienced by the female filmmakers were examined. In addition, documentary productions that were commercialized and complicated according to structural changes were investigated. In addition, how certain conflicting relationships can form when gender elements are combined with the aesthetics and habitus of the hegemonic documentary field was explored. However, this conflict contributes to diversifying the documentary field as part of a symbolic struggle. The field of independent documentaries is at risk of intensifying competition and polarization due to the strengthening of economic logic. However, in the absence of a production system, it is also affected by the expansion of the upper level of the media field. Even in such a crisis, female filmmakers strive to keep their perspectives strong, but I tend to think that their position is not firmly established. However, female filmmakers in the documentary field are already influencing each other. Regardless of the style of the documentary, from the position of critical intellectuals, female filmmakers are contributing to the documentary filed by creating cultural practices that are perceived as those of ‘women’.

This study explores the dynamic landscape of the Korean literature translation field by analyzing the entry and position-taking processes of foreign translators, who have emerged as pivotal agents in the global promotion of Korean literature. Grounded in Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological framework, specifically the concepts of field and doxa, this research conducts a qualitative case study of three foreign translators. It explores how they navigate both institutional and non-institutional networks to overcome entry barriers and how they develop practical strategies to challenge established conventions. The finding suggest that, at the entry stage, foreign translators bridge the structural gap between institutionalized cultural capital and the publishing market by mobilizing social capital. In terms of position-taking, they employ a dual strategy that emphasizes the stylistic value of the target language while demonstrating rigorous expertise in the source language’s cultural context of the source text. In doing so, they challenge the doxa that foreign translators lack deep textual understanding. Furthermore, by expanding into genre literature and assuming in educational roles, they have evolved from peripheral outsiders to active constructors of the field. Academically, this research expands the scope of sociology of translation by interpreting these activities as a struggle for social recognition. Practically, it suggests that institutional support should move beyond language training toward fostering social capital and networking opportunities to ensure a sustainable and inclusive translation field.

이 논문은 친족체계와 농업생산체계의 변화과정에서 조상의 명망, 벼슬, 관작 등과 같은 상징적 자본이 어떻게 그 분파와 종가의 사회적 위상 정립에 영향을 주었는지를 검토하는데 그 목적이 있다. 먼저 한국의 종가는 중국 종법의 상이한 제도적 실천과 친족체계·농업생산체계·신분제도 등의 변화가 조응하는 과정에서 성립되었다. 종가 존중의식은 17세기 중반 이후 공계출계에서 부계출계로 전환되는 친족체계의 변화과정에서 유교 사상의 사회제도화와 집약노동을 통한 수도경작의 확대가 상호영향을 주어 종족촌락과 문중이 형성되는 과정에서 파생되었다. 다음으로 종족의 중집화된 상징적 자본은 경제적 자본과 사회적 자본으로 전환·환류되는 과정에서 그 분파에 영향을 주었다. 명망높은 조상에 대한 표상은 종족집단에 상징적 권력을 부여하고 이는 다시 혼인관계를 통해 부와 귀(貴)가 교환되어 물질적 토대를 확보하는 계기를 마련한다. 종손·종부와 후손들에 의한 상징적 자본의 중집화는 종족 구성원의 높은 사회적 위상을 정립하는데 영향을 준다. 마지막으로 문중에서 대종손으로 그 정통성이 인정되는 데에는 생물학적 혈통이 중시된다. 종가의 정체성은 종손·종부가 사회적·문화적·경제적 수행능력을 실천할 때 정립된다. 그들은 다른 종족의 종가와 차별화된 사회·문화적 실천을 함으로써 양반 종가다움을 창출한다.

The purpose of this article is to consider how symbolic capital, such as the prestige, government post, and court rank of ancestors in the changing process of the kinship system and the agricultural production system, has influenced the segmentation of lineages and the social position-taking of the head family. Firstly, the head family in Korea was established through the development of not only the different institutional practices of the Chinese code of clan regulations but also the transformations of the Korean kinship system, agricultural production system, and social status system. The consciousness of respect for the head family derived from the process of forming lineage villages and clans, which was influenced by the mutual influence of the social institutionalization of Confucian ideology and the expansion of rice farming through intensive agricultural labor during the transition from the cognate system to the patrilineal system in the kinship system which began in the middle of the 17th century. Next, the concentrated symbolic capital of the lineage influenced the segmentation process as it was converted and flowed back as economic and social capital. The representation of a famous ancestor provides symbolic power to the lineage group, which in turn, creates opportunities to secure a material foundation through the exchange of wealth and honor through marriage. The concentration of symbolic capital by the oldest grandson of the head family, as well as the grand daughter-in-law of the head family and descendants, has influenced the establishment of a high social status among lineage members. Lastly, bloodline plays an important role in recognizing the legitimacy of filiation as the great descendant of the family. The identity of the head family is established when the descendants, the oldest grandson of the head family, and the grand daughter-in-law of the head family all practice their social, cultural, and economic agencies. They create the identity of Yangban head families by engaging in social and cultural practices that distinguish them from the head families of other lineages.

이 논문은 친족체계와 농업생산체계의 변화과정에서 조상의 명망, 벼슬, 관작 등과 같은 상징적 자본이 어떻게 그 분파와 종가의 사회적 위상 정립에 영향을 주었는지를 검토하는데 그 목적이 있다. 먼저 한국의 종가는 중국 종법의 상이한 제도적 실천과 친족체계·농업생산체계·신분제도 등의 변화가 조응하는 과정에서 성립되었다. 종가 존중의식은 17세기 중반 이후 공계출계에서 부계출계로 전환되는 친족체계의 변화과정에서 유교 사상의 사회제도화와 집약노동을 통한 수도경작의 확대가 상호영향을 주어 종족촌락과 문중이 형성되는 과정에서 파생되었다. 다음으로 종족의 중집화된 상징적 자본은 경제적 자본과 사회적 자본으로 전환·환류되는 과정에서 그 분파에 영향을 주었다. 명망높은 조상에 대한 표상은 종족집단에 상징적 권력을 부여하고 이는 다시 혼인관계를 통해 부와 귀(貴)가 교환되어 물질적 토대를 확보하는 계기를 마련한다. 종손·종부와 후손들에 의한 상징적 자본의 중집화는 종족 구성원의 높은 사회적 위상을 정립하는데 영향을 준다. 마지막으로 문중에서 대종손으로 그 정통성이 인정되는 데에는 생물학적 혈통이 중시된다. 종가의 정체성은 종손·종부가 사회적·문화적·경제적 수행능력을 실천할 때 정립된다. 그들은 다른 종족의 종가와 차별화된 사회·문화적 실천을 함으로써 양반 종가다움을 창출한다.

The purpose of this article is to consider how symbolic capital, such as the prestige, government post, and court rank of ancestors in the changing process of the kinship system and the agricultural production system, has influenced the segmentation of lineages and the social position-taking of the head family. Firstly, the head family in Korea was established through the development of not only the different institutional practices of the Chinese code of clan regulations but also the transformations of the Korean kinship system, agricultural production system, and social status system. The consciousness of respect for the head family derived from the process of forming lineage villages and clans, which was influenced by the mutual influence of the social institutionalization of Confucian ideology and the expansion of rice farming through intensive agricultural labor during the transition from the cognate system to the patrilineal system in the kinship system which began in the middle of the 17th century. Next, the concentrated symbolic capital of the lineage influenced the segmentation process as it was converted and flowed back as economic and social capital. The representation of a famous ancestor provides symbolic power to the lineage group, which in turn, creates opportunities to secure a material foundation through the exchange of wealth and honor through marriage. The concentration of symbolic capital by the oldest grandson of the head family, as well as the grand daughter-in-law of the head family and descendants, has influenced the establishment of a high social status among lineage members. Lastly, bloodline plays an important role in recognizing the legitimacy of filiation as the great descendant of the family. The identity of the head family is established when the descendants, the oldest grandson of the head family, and the grand daughter-in-law of the head family all practice their social, cultural, and economic agencies. They create the identity of Yangban head families by engaging in social and cultural practices that distinguish them from the head families of other lineages.

This present study tried to observe an each feature that the difference of Neijing(內經) and Nanjing(難經) descriptions about the three-portion and nine-position pulse taking(三部九候脈). It was interpreted and contradistinguished that discrimination of position, diagnosis object, and the perceptions of Earth of the center among the Five Phase of each literature were described in Neijing and Nanjing for the three-portion and nine-position(三部九候). In Neijing, the three-portion and nine-position method divided three parts the whole body. Then the each three parts again divided with Heaven, Earth and Man(天地人). About the corresponding parts of pulse diagnosis, there mentioned for the head and the Zang-Fu organs(臟腑), but not mentioned for the hand and foot. In addition, Earth is assigned to the Earth(土), an each Earth accounted for the source of life. In Nanjing, three-portion divided Chon, Gwan, and Cheok(寸關尺) and each spots separated three stage of pulse taking. For the pulse taking spots and diagnosis, there mentioned the hand and foot instead of the unclear mention of Zang-Fu organs. Then Gwan spot and middle stage of pulse taking were assigned to the Earth, respectively. It was emphasized stomach Qi(胃氣) that the region of Earth, Gwan spot and middle stage among the pulse taking spots each literature were described in Neijing, Nanjing.

This paper shows the formation system and meaning of God position by comparing and analyzing the process from birth to God position for the main characters appearing in <Cheonjiwangbonpuli> and <Samsenghalmangbonpuli>. The characters of study object are around the characters with a distinct personality rising to God position through the struggle among main characters of Jejudo shamanism myths. The applied characters are Daesobyulwang of <Cheonjiwangbonpuli> and Mengjingukdanim-Donghaeyongdanim of <Samsenghalmangbonpuli>. After structuralizing birth history, growth process, God ability express and acquisition of God position to search the imagery process of characters, the motive of God ability express in these things is related to seat in God position directly. So, it is surveyed intensively. Looking into the relation of characters with the subject and the object as the center at giving God position, <Cheonjiwangbonpuli> shows the characteristic of indirect giving under the blood relationship of sky-father-earth-mother + son. On the other hand, <Samsenghalmangbonpuli> shows the characteristic of direct giving under the social relationship. The communication principle of each story goes through the process of discontinuity, connection and synthesis. <Cheonjiwangbonpuli> shows the characteristic of autonomic adjustment with a emphasized vertical order on sky-earth-human. On the other hand, <Samsenghalmangbonpuli> shows the characteristic of other-directed adjustment with a emphasized horizontal order. In conclusion, the manly thinking of emphasis on blood is reflected in <Cheonjiwangbonpuli> and the womanly thinking of emphasis on talent and ability in <Samsenghalmangbonpuli>. From now on it is necessary for us to search overall aspects related to other shamanism myths.

목적: 특발성 황반원공 환자의 유리체절제술과 안내가스충전술 후 일주일간 안면하자세를 취한 군과 액체공기교환술 후 독서자세를취한 군 간의 수술 후 원공폐쇄율과 평균시력을 비교하고자 한다. 대상과 방법: 특발성 황반원공 2, 3기로 진단 받은 환자 25안을 대상으로 하였다. 유리체절제술 중 액체공기교환술 후 14% C3F8 가스안내충전술 후 일주일간의 안면하체위를 시행한 군과 액체공기교환술 후 독서자세를 3일간 시행한 군의 수술 6개월 후 원공의 폐쇄율과 최대교정시력을 각각 비교하였다. 결과: 평균 원공의 크기는 1군과 2군에서 456.2 ± 164.1 μm, 411.2 ± 105.7 μm로 두 군 간의 통계적 차이는 없었고(p=0.647) 원공의폐쇄율은 수술 6개월째 1군에서 93%, 2군이 100%였다(p=0.616). 최대교정시력(logMAR)은 수술 전, 수술 6개월 후 1군의 경우 0.92 ± 0.35에서 0.82 ± 0.29였고 2군은 0.97 ± 0.33에서 0.71 ± 0.39로 두 군 모두 향상되었으나 두 군 간에 통계적 차이는 없었다(p=0.809, p=0.267). 결론: 특발성 황반원공 환자의 유리체절제술 중 액체공기교환술 후 3일간 독서자세만 취한 군의 6개월째 원공의 폐쇄율과 최대교정시력의 개선 정도가 안내가스충전술 후 1주일간 안면하자세를 취한 군과 비교해서 큰 차이가 없었다. 이 수술 방법을 통해 황반원공의수술 후 안면하자세로 인한 불편함을 경감시키는 데 도움이 될 수 있다고 생각한다.

Purpose: In this study we compared the postoperative hole closure rate and average vision between a group who assumed a face-down position for a week using gas and a group who assumed a reading position after fluid air exchage (FAX), both after receiving internal limiting membrane (ILM) peeling during vitrectomy in patients with idiopathic macular hole. Methods: This study included 25 eyes of patients diagnosed with idiopathic macular hole that underwent vitrectomy. Group I assumed a face-down position for a week after intraocular gas tamponade after FAX during vitrectomy and Group II assumed a reading position for 3 days after only FAX. The hole closure rate and the best-corrected visual acuity (BCVA) were compared between the 2 groups 6 months postoperatively. Results: The preoperative mean macular hole size was 456.2 ± 164.1 μm in Group I and 411.2 ± 105.7 μm in Group II and the differences between the 2 groups were not statistically significant (p = 0.647). At 6 months after surgery, the macular hole closure rate was 93% in Group I and 100% in Group II (p = 0.571) and the BCVA (log MAR) was 0.82 ± 0.29 preoperatively and 0.92 ± 0.35 postoperatively in Group I and 0.71 ± 0.39 and 0.97 ± 0.33 in Group II, respectively. The differences between the 2 groups (p = 0.09, p = 0.058) were not statistically significant (p = 0.809, p = 0.267). Conclusions: There was no significant differences in the macular hole closure rate and BCVA improvement after 6 months in patients with idiopathic macular hole who had FAX during vitrectomy and maintained only a reading position for 3 days compared with those with gas tamponade and who maintained a face-down position for a week. This surgical method is considered helpful for easing discomfort caused by a face-down position after the macular hole surgery.

There was to purpose of this study improves analyzing cause that prosthesis brings bite engaging that is inaccurate in patient's mouth, when supposed that all conducts that do in operatory and dental laboratory are perfect. Impression did check bite by alginate impression material and polymerization style silicon impression material that use usually in presence at a sickbed Irreversibility, hydrocolloid, alginate impression material washed in flowing water and poured anhydrite after wait about 8 minutes so that region that charge interest after impression check bite may become undoing. And hydrophile property addition polymerization style impression material poured anhydrite after blow 30 considering impression material dwell time and H2 gas occurrence time (5~15 minute) after have washed in flowing water. I got each 7 models, result that manufactures total 28 and measures by third dimension measuring instrument (Meteo, Korea) following sequence curing in tray holder and floor 1, By Alginate impression when is hardened in tray holder and when is hardened in the floor after do check bite, SPH 4, SPH5 all as there is synonymy appeared(P<0.05). By in case do not use average 0.1741 in case use tray holder in 0.0447 SPH5s in case do not use average 0.2838 pastas in case use tray holder in SPH4 0.0309, When did not use both SPH4 and SPH5 tray holder, when used tray holder, 1 appeared more greatly. 2. By amity sex addition polymerization style silicon impression when is hardened in tray holder after do check bite and when is hardened in the floor SPH 4, a11 of the SPH5s very big synonymy be(P>0.05). And in case use tray holder in 0.000657 pasta SPH5s in case do not use average 0.000129 pastas in case use tray holder in SPH4 average 0.000114 pastas, by in case do not use 0.000757, I appeared more greatly when used tray when did not use both SPH4 and SPH5 tray holder, but 1 appeared is not level to keep in mind(Table 8~9). 3 SPH4 was looked very big mindfulness in model that manufacture doing impression check bite by Alginate and model that do impression check bite by amity sex accessory penalty silicon without using tray holder(P< 0.001). I use tray holder and SPH4 did not appear synonymy in model that manufacture doing impression check bite by Alginate and model that do impression check bite by amity sex accessory penalty silicon(P>0.05). Study finding of above when see synthesis Alginate certainly tray holder use must and I could know that hardening method does not exert big influence on volume stability if remove impression sieve of excess because amity sex accessory penalty silicon passes over tray, Also, Alginate impression material previewed can get heading a conspiracy style that volume stability of accessory penalty silicon impression material degree is if use tray holder.

본 연구는 공정거래법상의 거래상 지위남용 조항의 위반 사례들 중에서 어떤 경우에 과징금이 부과되며 또 그 액수가 커지는지를 통계적으로 분석함으로써, 거래상 지위남용 조항의 취지가 무엇이고 실제로 그것이 어떻게 운용되고 있는지를 조사하였다. 연구 결과, 가해자가 개인이 아닌 법인이며, 특정 피해자에게 구체적인 피해가 발생한 사건들에만 과징금이 부과됨을 알 수 있었다. 이런 사건들 중에서도 특히 가해자가 피해자에 대하여 대규모 수요자이거나, 피해가 전국적으로 발생하거나 여러 해 동안 발생한 경우에 높은 과징금을 부과할 가능성이 크다. 그러나 과징금의 부과율은 기업의 규모에 대하여 역진적으로 증대한다. 이런 결과는 거래상 지위남용 조항이 수요 독점력의 남용 방지를 위해 이용되지만, 강력한 처벌을 통한 사전적 방지 기능보다는 거래당사자들간의 분쟁을 사후적으로 조정하는 기능을 주로 담당함을 시사한다.

This paper investigates the determinants of the surcharges imposed on the cases of Unfair Taking Advantage of a Position in the Business Area clause of Korean Fair Trade Act. The results show that surcharge is imposed only on corporations that caused damages to specific victims. Higher surcharge is likely when the defendant is a principal customer to the victim or when the damages are nationwide. However, the surcharge rate increases less than proportionately with the size of the defendant firm. Theses results imply that the primary purpose of the clause is ex post arbitration of business disputes rather than ex ante prevention of anti-competitive behavior through strong penalties.

본 연구에서는 L-tube insertion 환자의 흉부 AP 검사 시 tube tip이 환자의 자세나 방사선 조사각에 의해 왜곡되는 정도를 파악하고 정확한 임상정보를 제공하기 위해 검사 시 정확한 tube 각도를 유지하여 영상의 질을 높이고자 하는데 있다. 실험 장비로 SHIMADZU사의 ELMO-T6S를 사용하였으며, Chest phantom의 표면에 1 mm 간격의 눈금격자를 부착한 L-tube를 부착하여 실험을 하였다. 실험영상의 영상 획득 조건은 90 kVp, 4 mAs, SSD 120 cm로 하여 영상을 획득하였다. Phantom position은 table에서 supine, $30^{\circ}$, $45^{\circ}$, $60^{\circ}$로 변화시키고 각 position마다 Head 방향과 Feet 방향으로 수직, ${\pm}5^{\circ}$, ${\pm}10^{\circ}$, ${\pm}15^{\circ}$ 촬영을 하여 영상을 획득하였다. 본 실험 결과로 L-tube tip의 위치는 환자의 자세와 방사선 입사각에 따라 달라지며 환자의 position이 30, 45, $60^{\circ}$일 때 보다 supine 일 때 tip의 위치변화가 적은 것으로 나타났다. 흉부 방사선 검사를 통해 L-tube tip의 정확한 위치를 보고자 할 때 잘못 된 입사각에 의한 영상의 왜곡이 발생하지 않도록 환자의 자세나 입사각을 조정해야 하며, 해당 시술을 확인하는데 정확한 평가 지표로 이용될 수 있도록 임상에서 업무를 수행하는 방사선사들의 세심한 노력이 필요할 것으로 사료된다.

This study's purpose is improve image quality to keep accurate tube angle in order to recognize distortion degree conditions by patient's position or tube angle and to provide exact clinical informations when taking chest AP projection for patient which have L-tube in stomach. The experimental equipment was ELMO-T6S by SHIMADZU corporation, then we put L-tube which attached 1 mm gap scales ruler on chest phantom surface. The experiment set by 90 kVp, 4 mAs, 120 cm distance. Each phantom position which changed supine, 30degree, 45degree, 60degree on the table exposured direct, ${\pm}5degree$, ${\pm}10degree$, ${\pm}15degree$ to head and feet directions. As a result, L-tube tip's position was changed by patient's position and tube angle. When patient's position is supine, tip's position change was lower than 30degree, 45degree, 60degree. We have to adjust patient's position or tube angle in order to occur image distortion by fault tube angle when confirming correct position L-tube tip through chest x-ray. Also, Radiological technologist try to make accurate evaluation index for satisfied L-tube insertion.

公元十世纪至十九世纪，由於受到唐、宋科举制度的影响，在高丽、越南等国家，先后实施科举制，从而形成了东亚科举文化圈。科举是具有世界影响的中华文化产物，从唐穆宗长庆元年(821)新罗人金云卿通过科举考试成为宾贡进士起，至五代，宋，元，明各朝，直到最后朝鲜人金涛成为明代的进士为止，在此约550年时间里，韩半岛先后有不少士人参加过中国的科举。其中，元朝由高丽进士在中国参加的科举考试，则是在特殊情况下举行的。 元代科举从仁宗延祐元年(1314，高丽 忠肃王元年）举行乡试开始，由于政治上的原因，在实行七次科举以后，于惠宗至元元年(1335，高丽 忠肃王四年 复位）停废。到至正元年(1340)，又告恢复，前后共实行了十六科。但是，高丽进士参加征东行省乡试只有十一次。元代征东行省乡试中选者，基本上都是先参加高丽的科举。然后以乡贡进士的身份参加元朝的会试。元代录取的高丽士人共有十名，他们是安震、崔瀣、安軸、趙廉、賓于光、李榖、李仁復、安輔、尹安之、李穡。其中直接回本国做官的一人（安轴），先在中国仕宦后回本国者八人，不能确定者一人。与唐、宋宾贡进士所不同的是，在元朝，高丽进士的记录相对来说比较丰富，十名当中除了三名以外，七名在《高丽史》列传里有单独记载。此外，在有关《墓志铭》和《文集》中也有记载。所以，无论对高丽进士的个人经历，或者是他们与中国科举同年的关系，都易于进行深入考察。 高丽士人的科举准备一般在本国进行，这是因为科举用的是笔试，不需要会话能力。征东行省乡试与中国其他考试不一样，在高丽进行。首先，在本国乡试通过后，为去元朝京城大都参加会试，在韩半岛出版了很多有关科举考试用的小型书籍，如《御试策》《东国状元集》《东人策选》之类，以帮助高丽士人学习和备考，这些书后来都在韩国被保存了下来。因为高丽和元朝的特殊政治关系，在元朝考取进士和在元朝有过仕宦经历的高丽士人，他们回国以后对本国的影响特别大。所以高丽进士通过元朝科举考试后，总是尽量希望在中国任职一段时间。然后又会以风俗不合、疾病、母老、王方（高丽）向用等理由弃官回国。 元朝对高丽进士的授官，有其特点，这就是局限于辽阳路，大宁路，征东行省等地区的范围。他们所担任的官职，有辽阳行中书省照磨兼承发架阁库（安輔）、辽陽路總管府知事（趙廉）、翰林（賓于光·李榖·李穡）、辽陽路盖州判官（崔瀣·安軸）、大宁路錦州判官（李仁復·尹安之）。他们初授的官职并不是很低，大部分人特授辽阳行中书省或者征东行省路的官职，因为当时在这里定居着人数众多的高丽移民，为了行政的便利，才让高丽人进行统治。在元朝通过科举成为进士是升进的一个有利条件，李仁复因制科合格后有名望，四转为右副代言进密直提学命，再进讲书筵。至于安轴的升迁，那是因为忠肃王因事被扣留元朝，轴上书元廷，为之辩解，忠肃王嘉之，于是超授安轴为成均乐正。 高丽进士回国后，主要从事有关科举取士和学校教学方面的工作。当时高丽已经实行科举制，他们有科举的经验，所以回国后往往出任知贡举、同知贡举，或者参加有关学校的教学活动。在唐宋时期的宾贡进士，目前尚未找到他们之间相互交流的记载。但是登元朝科第的高丽进士，不仅进士之间建立了友好关系，而且与元朝同年及第者也有着广泛的联系。高丽制科及第者和元朝同年之间交流的 ...

사용자 편의 장치에 대하여 고객들은 높은 효율과 더 많은 기능을 갖는 요구하고 있으며 이러한 자동차 어플리케이션에 대한 중요성이 지속적으로 증가하고 있다. 자동차에서 냉온 컵홀더 모듈은 냉온 모듈의 온도를 제어하여 컵홀더 속의 음료수를 따뜻하게 혹은 차겁게 유지시켜주는 고급 편의 장치이다. 본 연구에서는 자동차용 냉온 모듈의 최적 설계를 위하여 다양한 두께 조건에서 열해석을 수행하였다. 열해석 결과 두께가 2.5mm 로 일정할 때 주요 지점의 온도 분포가 가장 낮게 나타났다. 그리고 열전소자가 아래 쪽에 위치해 있을 때(A-type) 온도 분포가 낮게 나타났다.

The demand for user convenient devices in automotive applications are fast growing, mainly driven by the customer's requirement for higher efficiency and more features. In important such feature is the cold module for cars, which are convenient luxuries that warm or cool drinks placed in the cup holder by means of a thermoelectric element. In present study, we would like to find out the optimal thickness of the cup holder and mounting position of the thermoelectric element through experiments under various testing conditions and thermal analysis. The resulting thermal distribution of the primary area of thermal analysis was found to be lowest when the thickness was 2.5 mm. The temperature distribution was also lowest when the thermal element was positioned underneath the holder (A-type).