Earticle

중국은 1978년 개혁개방 정책을 실시한 이후 약 30여 년 동안 비약적인 경제성장을 계속해 오고 있다. 특히 2008년 북경올림픽과 2010년 상해 세계무역박람회를 성공적으로 개최함으로써 제2의 도약을 준비하고 있다. 중국이 21세기 경제대국으로 나아가는데 있어서 한반도의 평화와 안정이 무엇보다도 중요하며 북한의 핵 보유는 동북아 지역에서의 군비경쟁을 촉발시키고 지역의 평화에 심각한 부정적 영향을 미칠 수 있는 중대 사안이다. 그러므로 최근의 북 핵 문제에 대해 중국은 북-미 양국의 마찰을 해소하고 동북아 지역의 평화 조성을 위해 적극적인 중재자 역할을 자임하고 있다. 중국이 북핵 문제 해결을 위해 사용하고 있는 정책수단은 북한에 대한 압박을 가능한 줄이고 대화와 타협을 통한 외교적 해결을 모색하고 있다. 특히 중국은 북한의 핵개발 상황 및 이에 대한 미국 행정부의 강경 대응 전략이 자국의 한반도 정책기조를 뒤흔드는 심각한 결과를 초래 할 수 있다고 보고 중국의 특수한 위치를 십분 활용하여 적극적인 중재자 역할을 함으로써 북한의 체제유지와 핵 문제를 동시에 해결하고 나아가서 국제사회에서 중국의 영향력을 제고시키고자 한다. 즉 중국은 현재 경제발전에 걸 맞는 정치적 위상과 국제사회의 지지를 통해 21세기 국제정치에서의 주도적 위치를 점하고자 하고 있다.

China has shown positive dedication toward the Second Crisis of North Korea's Nuclear Problem in comparison with the first crisis. China has accomplished several talks between six nations concerning North Korea's Nuclear Problem. It is a question of China's such intention in resolving the second crisis of North Korea's Nuclear Problem. To solve this question, this paper analyzed China's national strategy toward the Second Crisis of North Korea's Nuclear Problem and the prospect of China's corresponding policy in the future situations regarding North Korea's Nuclear Problem. China's policy toward North Korea's Nuclear Problem can vary in the future depending on the assumptions mentioned earlier. But, there is the common feature of China's policy that aims to ensure the influence of North Korea and acquire the position of a powerful country in Asia through this international crisis. In conclusion, the objective of China's strategy is not resolving the North Korea's Nuclear Problem fundamentally, but to gain the stable national security.

The theme and interests between ChinaandKoreanPeninsulaarecooperation and conflict especially in the 21st century after China and the ROK established diplomatic relationships. In order to better understand the impact of this change, the paper carries out a survey to study cognitive conditions of university students from Yanbian, Qingdao and Beijing about some hot issues of the Korean Peninsula. The survey results are as follows: University students in China pay more attention to ROK than DPRK. In comparison, ROK is the highest concern of students in Qingdao. Through television and Internet, the students access information on the Korean Peninsula. Most Chinese students believe that the traditional economic system has led economic difficulties in DPRK and the future of DPRK lies in the systematic reform. Chinese college students believe that the reason for DPRK to develop nuclear weapons is an attempt to control the situation on the peninsula in order to improve its significance when negotiating with the U.S.They believe the key toresolving the Korean nuclear issue is to abandon the sanctions on the DPRK from the U.S.side.Vastmajority of the students think the obstacles to the development of China-ROK relation come from some civil societies with ulterior motives in Korea .Nearly 60% of the students believe the reunification of North and South Korea will not be realized within the foreseeable future. They intend to believe the key to the future reunification is in DPRK’s hands. For the choice of China’s policy on the Korean peninsula, ensuring China’s influence in the Korean Peninsulais the high est percentage, and nearly 70% of the students admit Korean reunification is conductive to China’s development. Except the students from Yanbian, the view that China should support the reunification of the Korean Peninsula is the highest rate. For Qingdao and Beijing university students, the ratio of non-interference is in the first place. The survey shows that opinions of Chinese students about Korean Peninsula are influenced by China’s policy, at the same time the diversity of information accesses play an important role to cause the shock and vibration which can be described as the co-existence of orthodox and sensitiveness.