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‘가해’ 경험의 증언과 기억의 정치학 — 중국귀환자연락회 사례를 중심으로 — KCI 등재
한국일본사상사학회 日本思想 제51호 2025.12 pp.201-237
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8,100원
2025년은 일본이 패전한 지 80주년이 되는 해이다. 한·중·일 3국은 제2차 세계대전을 각기 다른 의미로 기억하는 데, 이는 일본이 패전을 선언한날을 ‘광복절’, ‘전승절’, ‘종전기념일’로 호명하는 차이에서 뚜렷이 드러난다. 한국과 중국이 식민지 해방과 전쟁 승리를 중심으로 기억을 구성하는반면, 일본은 전쟁의 책임을 희석하는 ‘종전’이라는 중립적 표현을 선택해가해의 기억을 후경화했다. 이러한 기억의 정치학 속에서 일본 사회는 ‘피해자’로서의 전쟁 기억을 강화하고, ‘가해자’로서의 기억은 침묵과 망각의영역에 남게 되었다. 본 연구는 이러한 일본의 기억 구조 속에서 예외적으로 ‘가해의 기억’을 증언하고 계승해 온 중국귀환자연락회와 그 후속 활동에주목한다. 중귀련은 중국에서 전범재판을 받고 귀국한 일본인들이 1957년조직한 단체로, 자신들의 전쟁범죄를 반성하고 사죄를 실천함으로써 일본의 공식적 전쟁 기억에 맞섰다. 본 연구는 중귀련의 활동과 그들의 기억을이어가는 중귀련평화기념관의 활동을 분석함으로써, 가해기억의 계승이어떠한 윤리적·정치적 어려움 속에서 이루어지는가를 규명한다. 가해자의후손이나 시민은 직접적인 폭력의 행위자가 아니더라도, 그 구조 속에 존재함으로써 도덕적으로 연루되어 있으며, 이를 자각하는 행위 자체가 윤리적실천의 출발점이 된다. 중귀련과 그 후계 세대의 증언 활동은 바로 이러한자각 위에서 이루어진 ‘가해 기억의 윤리적 계승’으로 읽힌다. 나아가 본연구는 중국의 관대한 전범정책이 화해의 기억으로 이어지지 못하고, 오히려일본의 가해를 부각하는 ‘역사전쟁’의 논리로 전화된 현실을 비판적으로검토한다. 즉, 일본의 가해 책임 후경화와 중국의 피해 중심 기억이 상호공모하여 동아시아의 평화 담론을 도덕적 대립의 구조로 고착시켜 왔음을지적한다. 따라서 본 연구는 중귀련의 활동을 통해 ‘화해와 책임’의 기억이결락된 동아시아 평화주의의 한계를 드러내고, 이를 넘어서는 기억의 윤리적계승 방향을 모색하고자 한다.
The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of Japan’s defeat in World War II. Korea, China, and Japan remember the war through distinct linguistic and com- memorative frameworks—a divergence clearly reflected in the naming of Japan’ s surrender day as“Liberation Day,” “Victory Day,” and “End-of-War Memorial Day,” respectively. While Korea and China construct their memories around lib- eration from colonial rule and victory in the war, Japan adopts the neutral term “end of the war,” thereby backgrounding its responsibility and obscuring mem- ories of perpetration. Within this politics of memory, Japanese society has rein- forced its self-image as a“victim” of the war, while memories of Japan as a“ per- petrator” have largely remained in the realm of silence and oblivion. This study examines the Association of Returnees from China(Chūkiren) and its successor activities, which have served as rare exceptions within this memory structure by consistently testifying to and transmitting“perpetrator memories.” Formed in 1957 by Japanese nationals who underwent war crimes trials in China before repa- triation, Chūkiren confronted Japan’s official war memory by engaging in self- reflection and acts of apology for their wartime wrongdoing. Through an analy- sis of Chūkiren’s testimonies and the activities of the Chūkiren Peace Memorial Museum, which carries on their legacy, this article explores the ethical and po- litical challenges involved in transmitting perpetrator memory. Even though de- scendants of perpetrators or ordinary citizens did not directly commit acts of vio- lence, their position within the inherited structures of wrongdoing renders them morally implicated; recognizing such implication constitutes the starting point of ethical practice. The testimony work carried out by Chūkiren and succeeding gen- erations can thus be understood as an “ethical transmission of perpetrator mem- ory ” grounded in this awareness. Furthermore, this study critically examines how China’s lenient postwar policy toward Japanese war criminals has failed to trans- late into a shared memory of reconciliation and has instead been reframed within contemporary“history wars” that foreground Japan’s responsibility. It argues that Japan’s backgrounding of perpetrator responsibility and China’s victim-centered memory have, in effect, reinforced each other, solidifying East Asia’s peace dis- course into a structure of moral antagonism. By analyzing Chūkiren’s activities, this article reveals the limits of East Asian pacifism, which lacks a substantive memory of“reconciliation and responsibility,” and seeks to explore new pathways for an ethical transmission of memory beyond this impasse.
기억의 문화적 ‘재현’과 계승의 단절 — 서발턴 연구의 관점에서 — KCI 등재
한국일본사상사학회 日本思想 제48호 2024.12 pp.67-95
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6,900원
본 논문에서는 후쿠마 요시아키가 제기한 기억 계승의 문제를 오키나와 서발턴의 관점에서 논의를 전개하였다. 서발턴 연구의 관점에서 살펴볼 때, 오키나와는 본토와의 관계에서 종속적인 위치에 놓여있으며, 식민주의적 구조가 여전히 견고하게 작동하고 있다. 또한, 오키나와의 차별적 구조는 지배권력과의 관계뿐만 아니라 서발턴 내부에서 혹은 다른 서발턴과의 관계에서 또다른 차별의 구조를 만들어 내고 있다. 오키나와 서발턴의 자기결정권을 요구하는 정치적 말하기는 지속적으로 시도되었지만, 일본 정부에 의해 부정당하고 있다. 그러한 오키나와 문제의 원점이라 할 수 있는 식민주의적 관계를 확인하고 풍화되어 가는 전쟁의 기억과 의미를 계승하기 위한 그들의 위령비와 기념물이 무엇을 재현하고 있는지를 살펴보았다. 오키나와 전투의 대표적인 위령비와 기념물들은 전쟁의 기억을 계승하는 것이 아니라 오히려 그 속에 있는 그들의 욕망과 전쟁책임의 문제를 망각하게 만들고 있다. 나아가 그러한 기념비나 기념물들이 오키나와의 식민주의적 관계와 차별적 구조를 느끼지 못하게 하거나 은폐하도록 작용할 수 있다. 고통의 유산이 어떻게 기억되고 기록되는지, 그러한 기념물들이 어떠한 의식을 고양하는지와 관련하여 오키나와 전쟁기억을 계승하는 움직임에 주목할 필요가 있다.
In this paper, I have discussed the issue of memory inheritance raised by Fukuma Yoshiaki from the perspective of Okinawan subalterns. From the perspective of subalterns, Okinawa is in a subordinate position in relation to the mainland, and the colonialist structure is still firmly in place. In addition, the discriminatory structure of Okinawa not only related to the dominant power, but also created another discriminatory structure within the subaltern or in relation to other subalterns. The political discourse of the Okinawan subalterns seeking self-determination has been continuously attempted, but has been denied by the Japanese government. I looked at how their memorials and monuments are reproduced in order to pass on the memory of the Battle of Okinawa to future generations and to pass on its meaning. The typical memorials and monuments to the Battle of Okinawa do not pass on the memory of the war, but rather cause people to forget the issues of their desires and war responsibility that are contained within them. Furthermore, such memorials and monuments may not make us aware of the colonialist relationship and discriminatory structure of Okinawa, or may even work to conceal them. We need to pay attention to the movement to pass on the memory of the war in Okinawa in terms of how the legacy of pain is remembered and recorded, and what kind of awareness such monuments raise.
[NRF 연계] 국립민속박물관 International Journal of Intangible Heritage Vol.1 No.18 2023.05 pp.31-48
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'Heritage’, in our daily usage of the word, refers to those items that we inherit from our ancestors and that best represent our collective memory and cultural identity. While heritage and collective memory are allegedly entangled, such a correlation may not be so straightforward when we situate a modern-day ‘heritagised’ item in the longue durée of time to see how it becomes signified as such, and when we look closer at how collective memory can differ across time. In addition, how must one take into account the malleability of memory when relating it to the fixating notion of heritage? This article returns to the ideas of ‘collective memory’ and ‘inheritance’ behind heritage. Based on the archival studies of the Procession of the Passion of Our Lord the Good Jesus (Procissão de Nosso Senhor Bom Jesus dos Passos, 苦難善耶穌聖像出遊) in Macau, the author postulates that such an event, for its capacity to accommodate different significations, its distinct relationships with multiple people groups and its continued survival into the present, can shed new light on our understanding of heritage. This brief paper, in the end, proposes that any ‘heritagised’ item exists like a medium that can be related to, and imprinted with distinctive meanings by, diverse groups, which, in turn, renders the idea of ‘passing down’ possible.
항일가요에서 혁명가요로: 북한의 항일음악 계승과 기억 정치
[NRF 연계] 건국대학교 인문학연구원 통일인문학 Vol.103 2025.09 pp.45-83
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This study examined how North Korea inherited and transformed anti-Japanese songs into “revolutionary songs,” focusing on the politics of memory. The primary source included the Complete Collection of Korean Songs (조선노래대전집), which contains anti-Japanese revolutionary songs, the so-called “immortal masterpieces” attributed to Kim Il-sung, and revolutionary children’s songs. Methodologically, the research analyzed the classification, themes, and dissemination of these songs in connection with North Korea’s politics and ideology. Although anti-Japanese revolutionary songs held limited significance in the early years of state formation, they became institutionalized in the mid-1950s, alongside Kim Il-sung’s power consolidation. Key milestones included the 1953 field investigation of guerrilla battle sites, the transcription and dissemination of songs after 1956, and the publication of the Songbooks of Revolutionary Songs from 1959 onward. Under Kim Jong-il’s leadership, the repertoire expanded to revolutionary operas, musical dance epics, and multi-part feature films, reflecting a transmedia strategy that embedded revolutionary songs into the collective memory. Anti-Japanese songs mobilized the resistance against Japanese imperialism and inspired national independence. However, in North Korea, they were repurposed to legitimize the cult of leadership, justify one-man dictatorship, and incite anti-Japanese and anti-American sentiments. By tracing this trajectory, the study illuminated how anti-Japanese songs shifted from being the cultural heritage of the independence movement to a cultural-political instrument of North Korean state power, reinterpreting shared musical legacies in the context of division.
중국 무형문화유산 다큐멘터리의 시대적 변화 및 문화 기억 — <위대한 장인>, <전승>을 중심으로
[NRF 연계] 중국문화연구학회 중국문화연구 Vol.65 2024.08 pp.89-117
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In the 2010s, China’s intangible cultural heritage(ICH) policy focused on protection, transmission, and the establishment of management systems. In particular, in 2023, marking the 20th anniversary of UNESCO’s Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, China promoted the revitalization of ICH by producing content that integrated tourism and new media. Intangible Cultural Heritage Documentary is a crucial element of cultural memory, formed through the accumulation of historical experiences and imagination. However, there was a certain distance between video content of ICH and the daily lives of the public. Now, China is actively developing content to connect the common cultural memory of its people. This content elicits emotional resonance from the public regarding traditional culture and its bearers, promoting the diversity of Chinese culture and the spirit of craftsmanship. The documentaries The Great Craftsmen and Inheritance, produced in 2016, elevated the status of ICH documentaries and expanded into other content areas. This study analyzes how these two documentaries reflect contemporary society and how ICH is portrayed in their narratives, from the perspective of video content as a medium for conveying cultural memory. Through ICH documentaries, China aims to establish cultural identity, catalog diverse cultural heritage to foster national unity, and enhance its international image and soft power by exporting these documentaries. While such content production positively impacts the preservation and utilization of traditional culture, realistic solutions are needed to prevent and address potential cultural distortion issues.
[NRF 연계] 한국중국언어문화연구회 한중언어문화연구 Vol.29 2012.06 pp.341-358
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Miao epic has the value of research, it relates to many disciplines .This article focus on the Miao epic inheritance people, a special group, they live in the villages and they are advanced in years. With the development of social economy and the changes of culture, the heritage of Miao epic becomes a serious problem and wanes gradually, the protection of Miao epic is very urgent. The author mainly pays attention to the social humanity environment and the situation of heritage, permeate into the core area of Miao epic perform site, listening to the Miao epic and watching the performance personally, the studies those Miao epic inheritance people.
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