Earticle

The adjudication of disappearance is regarded as a death by a family court in cases that it is unknown whether an absentee is alive or dead in durative specified term. An absentee sentenced the adjudication of disappearance herby is called a missing person. The interested persons such as the family or creditors are prejudiced when the solid evidence is do not exist if they are neglected in the state that it is unknown whether a missing person is alive or dead in long term and it is lots of potentialities of a missing person's death. Therefore in order to admit the extant spouse's marriage or in order to admit the inheritors's inheritance, it is necessary to settle the legal relation that the central problems of the law of property or the family of law is determined in centered- absentee's address or place of residence. The Article 28 of the Civil Act regulate that the effect of this adjudication of disappearance is "it is regarded as death". That is, the missing person is regarded as death by the adjudication of disappearance. After the adjudication of disappearance, the effect of the adjudication is reversed though the missing person is alive or it is evidence to the contrary. It should be sentenced a cancellation judgement from the family court in order to upset the effect of the adjudication. If a cancellation adjudication is decided, the all private-law-relation that is formed by the effect of the adjudication is got backed to the before state. Therefore, I am trying to study about the effect of the cancellation of the adjudication of disappearance in centered-theories in this paper.

This essays examines Gus Lee’s ambivalence towards Asian American fathering in the formation of Asian American masculine subjectivity. Rife with father figures for young Kai Ting, Lee’s two semi-autobiographical novels are constructive sites in which to parse the body paternal in relation to the masculinization of a “China boy.” In lieu of K. F., his defunct Asian immigrant father, Kai relies on his boxing coaches at the local YMCA and his neighborhood friend Toussaint (Toos) LaRue, in particular, to survive a troubled childhood in the black ghetto. In China Boy (1991), Kai comes to prioritize black expressions of masculinity and aspires to become a black boy like Toos. In Honor and Duty (1994), Kai enters West Point upon his father’s wishes; at West Point, arguably the quintessential hub of hegemonic men, Kai reconsiders his intial dependence on blackness to reclaim his masculinity and consequently shifts his allegiance from the other men of color to the fraternity of hegemonic men. Read in tandem, Lee's two novels facilitate a constructive critique of the Asian American father and how he factors into the convoluted processes of minority identity formation.

사립대학을 설립, 운영하는 법적 주체인 재단법인은 경제적 자산을 매개로 한다양한 전략들이 펼쳐지는 장으로서의 성격을 아울러 지닌다. 따라서 사립대학의재산관계 변동과 경제적 실천을 통해서 우리는 사립대학재단의 통제와 소유, 정당성을 둘러싼 다양한 사회적 갈등과 긴장이 전개되는 양상을 포착할 수 있다. 이글에서는 1950년대 사립대학재단의 사례를 통하여, 하나의 ‘경제적 행위자’로서 한국 사립대학재단의 존재양태 변화를 재조명해보고자 했다. 1950년대 한국의 사립대학재단은 농지개혁과 귀속재산 불하로 대표되는 급격한사회경제적 변화에 가장 기민하게 대응했던 사회조직 중 하나였다. 정부수립을 전후로 주로 농지자산을 바탕으로 설립되었던 사립대학재단의 경영자들은 ‘농지개혁법’과 ‘귀속재산처리법’ 등의 입법과정에 적극적으로 개입하여, ‘문교재단’(文敎財 團)에 주어지는 각종 법적 특권을 확보할 수 있었다. 하지만 귀속기업체 불하를통해 농지자산을 영리기업체 형태로 전환하고자 하는 사립대학재단들의 기획은 대체로 실패로 돌아갔다. 결과적으로 1950년대 후반의 시점에서 사립대학재단은 학생과 학부모가 납부하는 등록금과 시설비, 그리고 후원회와 같은 외부 조직에 의존하지 않고서는 기본적 운영이 불가능한 조직으로 전락해 있었다. 당대인들에게 ‘기생’이라는 생물학적 용어로 표상되었던 ‘경영권’과 ‘경제적 기여’ 사이의 분리, 재단운영의 정당성 문제는 오늘날까지 이어지는 한국 사립대학재단의 구조적 특징이 확립되는 초기 과정을 잘 보여준다.

In this article, I examined the existence and transformation of economic structure of Korean private university foundations during 1950s. As legal entities that establish and operate private universities, such foundational juridical persons were entities where various economic strategies intersect. Thus the economic practice and structure are the proper lenses for analyzing the interrelationship between university control and ownership, and the legitimacy of these foundations themselves Private university foundations of the 1950s were some of the most adaptable organizations throughout Korea’s rapid socio-economic transformations, adjusting well during major policy changes such as the land reform and the privatization of attributed property. The foundations particularly succeeded in acquiring legal privileges and in competitively overtaking and managing enterprises in the foreground of economic property recognition shifting from land-based assets to business enterprises. However, attempts at redefining themselves as entrepreneurs instead of absentee landlords ultimately failed. Consequently, most private university foundations in the late 1950s necessarily depended on external resources, such as parental supporters association. This resulted in the separation of ‘economic contribution’ and ‘control’ of these foundations, a feature which has been institutionalized as a characteristic of Korea’s private university foundations.

조선후기 향촌 사회에는 양반지주가 많았지만 그 대부분은 소지주였고, 대지주는 얼마 되지 않았다. 대지주들은 군현, 나아가 道의 경계를 넘어서까지 전답을 소유하기도 했는데, 그들은 본고에서 살펴본 禮安 樊南宅과 서울 李判書宅처럼 대부분 前現職 고관이었다. 이들 대지주들은 부재지주지를 경영할 때 재지지주들처럼 사회적 평판에 대해 크게 신경을 쓸 필요가 없었다. 즉 부재지주들은 작인들의 따가운 시선을 아랑곳하지 않고 철저하게 지대를 수취했던 것이다. 禮安 樊南宅과 서울 李判書宅 또한 부재지주지의 지대를 적극적으로 수취했다. 이같이 재지지주들에 비해 부재지주들이 더욱 적극적으로 지대를 수취했기 때문에 부재지주지를 경작하는 작인들의 경작조건은 재지지주의 전답을 경작하는 작인들에 비해 더욱 열악했다조선후기에는 정부의 부세정책 또한 빈농들의 삶을 더욱 어렵게 만들었다. 조선후기 중앙정부의 田稅 정책이 더욱 경직됨으로써 수령들은 농촌현실에 탄력적으로 대응할 수 없었다. 즉 農事作況은 해마다 큰 폭으로 등락을 거듭하였음에도 불구하고, 19세기 중앙정부에 책정한 出稅實結數는 거의 고정되어 있었던 것이다. 예안 번남댁의 전답이 소재한 경상도 풍기지역의 전세 또한 19세기 후반에는 풍흉에 관계없이 거의 고정되어 있었다. 풍기 지역 농민들은 거의 해마다 1결당 조 100두를 전세로 납부하였다.

This paper draws attention to two major practical reasons, among others, which worsened the living conditions of the poor tenant peasants in southern Kyongsang Province of Korea in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the absentee landlordism and the taxation of the central government, which lacked flexibility in collecting rentor land tax from the tenant peasants. Even though an overwhelming majority of landlords in the late Choson Korea came from the yangban class, most of them possessed small holdings confined more or less to their resident areas. Meanwhile, a few large landlords possessed land parcels that went beyond boundaries of prefectures and even provinces. These large absentee landlords, like the Minister Yi family from Seoul and the Ponnam family from Yean district, more often than not had held previously high positions in the central government. As seen in the paper, the two absentee landlords were stricter in collecting the rents from their tenants than the resident landlords. The lack of personal contact with their tenants made them less obliged to concern themselves with social reputation and critique in village communities unlike their resident counterparts. Consequently, the tenants on the fields by the absentee landlords suffered more than otherwise. The unadjusted amount of land tax in the bad crop years must have been onerous to the impoverishedpeasants barely eking out a living even in the years of good crop. Despite frequent natural disasters reported in the late nineteenth century, the quota amounts for taxable land werealmost fixed by the central government year after year, as was shown in the cases of P’ungi area, where the the Ponnam family had holdings. The tenant peasants in the area had to pay uniform amount of 100 tu per kyol as the land tax except for the severest bad crops.

本稿は小林多喜二の「不在地主」を研究したものである。多喜二の「不在地主」は『中央公論』一九二九年十一月に掲載された作品である。彼は、北海道の磯野農場の争議を取材して、「不在地主」を書いた。磯野農場の争議は、日本で農民と労働者が連帯した最初の争議であった。作品の中では、磯野農場の争議の模様が写実的に描き出されている。 本稿においては、まず、「不在地主」の作品発表の前後事情を考察した。また、磯野農場の争議を具体的に調査して、この争議と「不在地主」との関係を調べてみた。そして「不在地主」の中で、小作農民が小作料の減免の問題から出発して、農民と労働者との連帯闘争を経て、最後に争議に勝利する過程を考察してみた。この作品の中で、地主と小作人の関係は父母と子という私的な支配関係から、公的関係である階級的な関係に変わる。 封建的地主と小作制度を基盤とする日本資本主義は、農民の遅れた意識に支えられて、軍事的国家主義の体制の強化に尽力した。多喜二がこのような支配体制の動向を鋭く曝露すると共に、＇地主と資本家＇＇農村と都市＇の問題にまで言及したのは、今までの農民文学にはなかった新しい問題提議であった。多喜二の「不在地主」の意義がここにある。

This article is a study of "an absentee landowner" by Takiji Kobayashi. Takiji's "an absentee landowner" was published in the November 1929 by "Chuou-kouron". He covered the dispute of Isono farm in Hokkaido and wrote "absentee landowner". The dispute at Isono farm was the first dispute in which farmers and workers solidarized in Japan. In the work, the situation of the dispute at Isono farm is describd realistically. In this paper, I examined context in publish of "an absentee landowner". And I investigated specifically the dispute at Isono farm, and examined the interrelationship between this dispute and "an absentee landowner". In "an absentee landowner" the peasant farmers fight a squire with workers, starting from the issue of reduction of farm subsidies, and finally winning the battle. In this work, the relationship between the landlord and the tenant changes from a private dominance of parents and children to a class system of public relations. Japanese capitalism based on feudal landlord and the tenant system, supported by the farmer's delayed consciousness, tries to strengthen the military nationalist system. Takiji has exposed the trends of the ruling system sharply and mentioned the problem of 'landowner and capitalist', 'rural and urban' in "an absentee landowner". It is a new attempt that has not been in peasant literature until now. The significance of Takiji's "an absentee landowner" is here.

이청준의 여러 소설에서는 주인공이 사라지거나 죽은 자들을 추적하는 이야기가 자주 등장한다. 특히, 주인공들이 부재자(不在者)가 남긴 흔적이나 기록, 또는 소설과 사진을 읽는 장면은 주목할 만하다. 이 과정은 그 자체로 탐색과 추리로, 액자소설과 중층 구조를 촉발시키는 서사적 기제이다. 이청준의 주인공들은 부재자의 텍스트를 읽고 타인을 이해하고, 역으로 자신을 성찰하기도 한다. 따라서 이 모티프는 이청준 문학 전반에 걸쳐진 주제 의식과 형식적 특징을 상당 부분 해명해 줄 수 있다. 이청준은 자서전적 산문에서 죽은 맏형의 책과 일기장을 겸한 독서감 노트를 읽었던 체험을 밝히고 있다. 그는 고인의 유품을 접하는 일을 고인의 삶과 만나는 부활이라고 말한다. 그는 고인의 삶을 대신 살 것이라고 다짐하기에 이른다. 이 같은 소설가로서의 개인 신화는 이청준의 다른 소설에서도 자주 목격된다. 이것은 이야기 구성 방식에서의 이청준 소설의 자서전적인 측면(the autobiographical)이다. 이청준의 독서 체험은 이중적인 자서전이며, 이중적인 프로소포페이아(prosopopeia, 활유법)이다. 폴 드 만의 견해처럼, 자서전적 글쓰기가 프로소포페이아라면, 이청준의 자서전적 산문은 과거의 ‘죽은’ 사건들을 복구하는 프로소포페이아의 한 형식이다. 그리고 그 프로소포페이아의 형식 안에서 또 다른 프로소포페이아를 발견할 수 있다. 부재하는 사람의 유품과 텍스트를 읽는 일은 망자(亡者)에게 입과 얼굴을 부여하는 일이기 때문이다.

In many of Cheong-jun Lee’s fictions, stories of the main character chasing those who disappeared or died frequently appear. In particular, it is noteworthy that the main characters read the traces, records, or novels and photographs left behind by the absentee. This process is in itself a narrative mechanism that triggers frame novels and multilayered structures. Lee’s characters read the absentee’s text, understand others, and reflect on themselves in reverse. Therefore, the motif can explain much of the subject consciousness and formal features that span Lee’s literature. In his autobiographical prose, Lee reveals his experience of reading his dead eldest brother’s books and diaries. He says that contact with the deceased’s relics is a revival that meets the deceased’s life. He goes as far as to pledge to live the deceased’s life instead. The personal myth as a novelist is often seen in Lee's other fictions. This is the autobiographical aspect of Lee’s fictions in the way the story is organized. Lee’s reading experience is a double autobiography and a double prosopopeia. As Paul de Man views it, if autobiographical writing is prosopopeia, Lee’s autobiographical prose is a form of prosopopeia that restores past “dead” events. And we can find another prosopopeia in that form. Reading the missing person’s belongings and texts are giving the dead person a voice and a face.

대한민국의 현행 공직선거법에서 재외국민의 선거를 인정하는 태도는 헌법적인 제반 원리를 구현에 있어 몇 가지 한계를 가지고 있다. 지역구 국회의원선거에서 해외 거주 재외국민에게 투표권을 부여하지 않고 국회의원선거에서 보궐선거나 재선거에서도 투표권을 부여하지 않고 있어 합리적인 이유가 없는 차별로서 헌법에 반하여 선거권을 침해할 수 있다. 일본도 1998년 개정 전의 일본 구 공직선거법 제42조 제1항, 제2항은 선거인명부에 등록되어 있지 않은 자 및 선거인명부에 등록될 수 없는 사람은 투표할 수 없는 것으로 정하고 있었다. 이러한 일본 구 공직선거법에 대해서 재외국민의 투표권 부여에 관하여 거주요건을 두는 것이 위헌이라는 일본 내 주장이 있었다. 일본 정부도 일찍이 1984. 4. 27. 재외국민 선거제도의 창설에 관한 ‘공직선거법의 일부를 개정하는 법률안’을 국회에 제출하였으나 폐안되었다. 결국, 1996년 10월 일본의 재외국민 중 일부가 일본 정부를 상대로 국가배상 소송을 제기한다. 1심 동경 지방재판소와 2심 동경 고등재판소는 “항소인의 위법확인은 단지 재외일본인이라는 이유로 공직선거법 규정의 일부 위법확인을 구하는 소송이라 해석해야 하므로, 이와 같은 소송은 구체적 분쟁을 벗어나 추상적, 일반적으로 법령 등의 위헌 또는 위법성 등에 관한 판단을 구하는 으로 법률상의 쟁송에 해당하지 않는다고 판시했다. 그러나 2005년 9월 14일 일본 최고재판소는 “재외국민에게 투표할 기회를 주지 않은 것에 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고 할 수 없으며 평등권 위반이다.”, “본 판결 선고 후 처음으로 시행되는 중의원 의원의 총선거 또는 참의원 의원의 통상선거 시점에서 중의원 소선거구선출의원의 선거 및 참의원 선거구선출의원의 선거에 대해서 재외국민에게 투표하는 것을 인정하지 않는 것에 대해 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고는 할 수 없으므로, 공직선거법 부칙 제8항 규정은 헌법에 위반한다.”라고 결정하였다. 이 판결을 통하여 현행 일본 공직선거법은 재외국민투표를 비례대표제 선거뿐만 아니라 지역구 의원 선거에서도 널리 인정하게 되었다. 투표방식도 재외공관투표와 우편투표 등을 선택할 수 있게 되었다. 재외국민에게 투표권을 불완전하게 인정하는 공직선거법은 헌법에 반하며 재외국민의 정치적인 권리를 박탁 또는 제한하는 것이 된다. 이것은 선거정책의 문제가 아니라 헌법상의 기본권인 선거권의 보장문제로 다루어져야 한다. 대한민국에는 재일교포뿐만 아니라 글로벌 사회의 발전으로 외국에서 장기 체재하는 재외국민이 늘고 있다. 앞으로는 재내, 재외의 국민 모두에게 실질적인 투표권을 실현케 하는 다각적인 방안이 모색되어야 할 것이다.

Korea’s Election law has several adverse issues regarding its overseas citizens. It is unconstitutional that current National Assemblyman vacancy and recall elections in the Overseas Absentee voting. Korea’s Election laws and system are generally similar to that of Japan, sans expatriate the overseas absentee voting. Therefore, a related and relevant renovation plan would be well advised to observe and assimilate Japan’s election protocol evolution’s legal discourse and litigation. Before 1998, Japan’s Election Law [Article 42] excluding expatriate the overseas absentee voting was the subject of considerable criticism. In April 1984, legislation was proposed to amend related Election Law, pro-expat, but not enacted. October, 1999, a number of expats filed suit for related state compensation. Resultant Tokyo District Court decisions specified that expat absentee suffrage extant is solely at the discretion of the National Diet. By 1999, the National Diet amended related Election Law to grant expat the overseas absentee suffrage. And, November 2000, the Tokyo High Court determined that because “appellants demand the judgement of abstract law and regulation unconstitutionality or illegality regarding exclusively expatriate Japanese, it is not a general public lawsuit. Therefore, the legal decision given does not correspond to the litigation.”But, Finally, September, 2005, Supreme Court of japan decided that “① Expatriate national election suffrage cannot be based solely on the grounds of compelling interest. ② Japan’s former election law did not recognize expatriate suffrage. There cannot be “compulsory cause.” ③ Expatriate suffrage exclusion in the next election of the House of Representatives or the House is not of “compulsory interest.” Accordingly, Election Law Annex 8 violates the Constitution. Via these litigations and resultant current Japan election law, Japan now recognizes expatriate suffrage, as well as proportional electoral district representation in National Diet elections. In addition Japan recognizes voting by mail and embassy ballot. Korea has many expat citizens residing long-term in foreign countries i.e. Korean-Japanese. In August 1952, The Republic of Korea conducted gender-equality candidate elections. In the future, consideration should necessarily be applied to election suffrage expanding beyond domestic to expatriate the overseas absentee voting in a local election district.

The democratic legitimacy of the electoral system has to be secured in order to achieve a true sovereignty of the people. The democratic legitimacy will only be made possible by a mutual and continuous consensus and compromise between the people as a sovereign and the political forces. A serious and progressive(positive) academic research for a successful consensus and compromise between them would be necessary. And it can be said that this is the ultimate reason and purpose of this study. This study has considered that focusing on overseas election and absentee voting on board that can be improved upon in part considering in terms of realization of sovereignty of people even though the current Public Official Election Act received positive evaluation with revisions. As a result of this study, in case of overseas election and absentee voting on board, target limitation or postponement of date for applying need to be considered.

본 연구는 학교결석 청소년을 대상으로 학교적응 유형을 분류하고, 각 유형에 영향을 미치는 예측요인을 개인, 가족, 또래 및 지역사회의 다양한 차원에서 살펴보고, 유형별 비행행동의 차이를 분석하는데 그 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 한국아동 청소년패널조사 자료를 활용하여 학교결석 중학생 477명을 대상으로 잠재프로파일분석을 실시하였고, 분류된 유형별 예측요인과 비행행동과의 관계를 알아보기 위해 다항로지스틱 분석과 분산분석을 실시하였다. 분석결과, 저적응, 중적응, 고적응 집단으로 분류되었으며, 유형별 예측요인과 비행행동에 통계적으로 유의미한 차이가 나타났다. 이는 학교결석 청소년이 다양하고 이질적인 집단으로 구성되었으며, 이것이 발달결과에 중요한 차이를 불러일으킬 수 있다는 사실을 경험적으로 증명한 것이다. 마지막으로 본 연구에서는 청소년 문제의 효과적인 예방을 위해 학교결석 청소년에 대한 차별화된 개입의 중요성을 제언하였다.

School absenteeism, one of the early warning signs of behavioral problems, has been known to be a complex and heterogeneous problem. However, much of the research assumes that school absentee adolescents comprise a homogeneous group. This study explored the heterogeneity of school absentee adolescents, based on school adaptation, to provide a more nuanced understanding of school absenteeism and examined predictive and risk factors associated with each typology of school absentee adolescents. Latent profile analysis was conducted using sample 477 middle school students who were reported absent in the previous year from the 3rd wave of Korean Children and Youth Panel Study. Multinomial logistic regression and ANOVA was also employed to examine the effects of predictive variables. As a result, three profiles were identified: low, middle, and high adaptive group. Group membership was found to be associated deferentially with gender, mental health, parenting neglect, delinquent friends, and delinquent behaviors. These findings propose more specific and targeted interventions designed to meet the needs and risk factors associated with the different typologies of school absentee adolescents.

1948년 5・10 총선거가 치러지면서 처음으로 한국에도 근대적 선거가 시행되었다. 한국 역사상 최초의 보통선거였다. 그러나 당시 군인들은 투표할 권리가 보장되지 않았다. 군인들은 1950년 5월 30일 제2대 총선에서 처음 투표할 수 있었다. 기본적으로군인들은 부대가 위치한 선거구의 선거인이 되어 일반투표소에 가 민간인들과 함께투표하였다. 당시 상명하복의 군대 특성을 이용해 여당인 자유당 후보자들에게 투표하도록 조직적인 선거부정이 만연했다는 증언이나 주장을 찾기는 어렵지 않는데, 이런 결탁은 정치권과 군대의 부정부패 ‘카르텔’ 형성으로 이어졌다. 3・15 부정선거로 이승만 대통령이 하야한 후 허정과도정부 아래 1960년 선거법개정을 논의하면서 부재자투표제도가 도입되었다. 부재자투표 방식으로는 우편투표가 채택되었다. 부재자투표제도를 도입한 취지는 투표편의나 투표율 제고를 위해서가아니라 군대 내 선거부정을 방지하기 위해서였다. 5・16 이후 대통령선거가 직선제로부활했음에도 부재자투표는 대통령선거에 적용되지 않았다. 그러다가 베트남 파병장병들의 투표권 보장 문제가 제기되면서 해외 부재자투표가 1967년 제6대 대선부터 1971년 제8대 총선까지 일시적으로 시행되었다.

In the general election on May 10th 1948, the modern election was enforced for the first time in Korea. It was the first universal election in the history of Korea. However, the soldiers did not have the right to vote at that time. The soldiers could cast their votes in the 2nd general election on May 30th 1950. Basically, the soldiers voted together with civilians in general polling places as a voter of electoral district where the military base was located. It is not difficult to find the testimonies or arguments saying that the organized electoral fraud was rampant to vote for the candidates of the ruling Liberal Party by using the characteristic hierarchical relationships of the military. This collusion was led to the formation of corruption ‘cartel’ between political sphere and military. After President Rhee Syng-man stepped down because of the electoral fraud on March 15th, the absentee voting system was introduced while discussing the enactment of general election law in 1960 under the Heo Jeong interim administration. As an absentee voting method, the voting by mail was selected. The purpose of introducing the absentee voting system was not for improving the voting convenience or turnout, but for preventing the electoral fraud within the military. Even though the presidential election revived as a direct election system after the May 15th military coup, the absentee voting was not applied to the presidential election. After that, once the issue of guaranteeing the right to vote for the soldiers dispatched to Vietnam was brought up, the overseas absentee voting was temporarily enforced from the 6th presidential election in 1967 to the 8th general election in 1971.

Maria Edgeworth’s The Absentee features one specific scene in which the heroine, Grace Nugent, asserts that she is “not a partisan, but a friend” of Ireland. I argue that this specific phrase is the novel’s main theme. As such, I explore the ways in which ‘being a friend' may differ from ‘being a partisan’ of a certain country, and who may be qualified to be ‘a friend’ to Ireland and why. Edgeworth suggests that anybody with a genuine affection for Ireland can be a friend of the country regardless of his or her national identity and religious background. A member of the Anglo-Irish Protestant Ascendancy with an extremely ambivalent subject position in relation to the Catholic populace of Ireland, Edgeworth defines affiliation to a country as based not on national identity but on a socio-cultural foundation, thereby advocating the desperately needed legitimacy of her own class. Edgeworth deliberately obfuscates her heroine Grace Nugent's national identity, and demonstrates what she means by a ‘friend’ to Ireland by constructing Nugent as an exemplary mistress of the Colambre estate both through her benevolent affection for the Irish people and her inner qualities as an ideal domestic woman.