Earticle

漢語一直被認爲是孤立語之一, 徹底排除任何外部接觸或影響的可能性。 但是, 從大部分元代雜劇作品看來, 蒙語借詞在十三四世紀的文獻記錄中時時可見, 其中雖有一些詞及其用法已經被淘汰, 但也有不少詞在和漢語接觸交流的過程當中早就擁有了自己的位子, 其生命力直到今天也一直很堅强。 雜劇裏面的蒙語借詞在其數量和影響上幷不算多, 但從中可以知道, 借詞對漢語的影響雖然少之又少, 但其涉及面很廣, 語言接觸必然性地和其他語言通過任何形式互相交流影響; 而且, 在中國, 尤其在一個像元代那樣擁有多元文化的開放性的國度裏, 這種情況更加顯著。 從蒙古引進來的種種借詞, 再加上“直譯體”文體及“漢兒言語”等, 這些與漢語固有的語法體系明顯不同的語言現象, 正是漢語一直和外部因素卽外族語言互相交流影響的明證。

이 연구는 가정연합 산하의 FBO에 해당하는 일본 천주평화연합과 평화통일연합이 전개하는 평화·통일 운동의 시계열적 고찰을 통해 활동 및 특징, 공통점과 차이점 등을 비교하였다. 천주평화연합은 지구촌 분쟁 종식과 세계평화의 실현, 평화문화의 구축에 설립 목적을 두고 있으며, 평화운동에 초점을 둔 국제 NGO이 다. 주요 활동은 정상회의, 국제 리더십 컨퍼런스 개최, 평화 서밋과 싱크탱크 참여를 위한 플랫폼 구축, 피스 로드, 선학평화상, 평화외교 포럼 등 6개 분야이다. 반면 통일운동에 중점을 둔 평화통일연합은 재일한인과 일본인이 동참하는 한반도 평화통일의 선도, 한일 교류협력 문제를 해결하려는 목적에서 설립되었다. 이들 단체 활동의 긍정 요인은 단체 설립 목적의 충실한 이행과 실천, 평화·통일운동의 확장성, 재일한인사회의 화해와 통합의 기제로 통일운동을 활용하였다. 개선점은 전문성의 강화, 활동에 대한 적극적인 홍보, 수직 통합형 구조에서 수평 분업형 구조로의 변화, 평화·통일운동의 연대성 강화의 문제이다.

This study compared the activities, characteristics, similarities and differences through a time-series review of the peace and unification movements developed by the Japan Universal Peace Federation and the Peace and Reunification Federation, which are FBOs under the Family Federation. The Universal Peace Federation is an international NGO focused on the peace movement, with the purpose of establishment to end conflicts in the global village, realize world peace, and build a culture of peace. Its main activities are in six areas: summit meetings, hosting international leadership conferences, building a platform for participation in peace summits and think tanks, Peace Road, Sunhak Peace Prize, and Peace Diplomacy Forum. On the other hand, the Peaceful Unification Alliance, which focuses on the unification movement, was established with the goal of leading the peaceful unification of the Korean peninsula in which Koreans and Japanese in Japan participate, and to solve the problems of exchange and cooperation between Korea and Japan. The positive factors of these group activities were the faithful fulfillment and practice of the purpose of the establishment of the group, the expansiveness of the peace and unification movement, and the use of the unification movement as a mechanism for reconciliation and integration of the Korean community in Japan. Improvements include strengthening expertise, active promotion of activities, change from a vertically integrated structure to a horizontal division of labor, and strengthening solidarity in the peace and unification movement.

The Sakhalin Korean people know how deeply the helpless national situation such as the Japanese colonial period, the Rusia-Japanese War, the division of the South and the North is related to the individual's life. The time when the state showed interest to the Korean people in Sakhalin was the issue of returning to Korea after Sakhalin Korean homeland in 1990. Since the end of the 1980s, the visit to the motherland has been gradually made visible through the Korea-Japan Red Cross. However, in 1992, the Korean government granted permission to return only to those who were 65 years of age or older. After that, in 1994, Korea and Japan agreed on the implementation of the “pilot project to return to the homeland.” As a result, the homeland returns to full force and 4,116 people migrated to Korea by 2013. In January 2009, 69 households, 52 men and 68 women, returned home from Sakhalin and now reside in the Busan Constitutional Court. The socio-cultural studies on the permanent returnees residing in Busan have been limited to the discussion on the actual situation of immigration and migration experience, social structure and class change, and settlement process of migrants. This paper examines the conflicts and acceptance patterns of returnees from Sakhalin during migration and noted the place where the border between settlement and migration was distinguished by interviewing their daily life culture. Sakhalin Koreans have been living in Sakhalin since their childhood and have moved from their residential areas to the place of Busan, which is the most influential factor in the background of the situation and the transition from settlers to immigrants I wanted to find out the answer to the question of what was needed most.

우리의 역사는 한반도에 국한되어 기억하고 기념되어 왔다. 하지만 질풍과 같은 시기를 수 없이 견뎌낸 한민족인 우리는 민족의 영혼을 간직한 채 한반도를 떠나 낮선 땅에서 생존의 뿌리를 내렸고 모진풍파에 맞서 민족의 영혼을 재생산하고 확장하였던 동포들을 기억하고 기념하는 것은 소외하고 있다. 특히 일본 식민지 시대에 일본지역으로 생존을 위해, 혹은 일본의 찬탈과 억압을 피해 설움을 삼키고 일본 땅에서 조선인으로써 설욕의 삶을 살다간 사람들을 기억해야 할 이유는 그들은 온전한 삶이 불확실한 일본 본토에서 생존만을 위해 투쟁한 것이 아니라 민족의 독립을 위한 투쟁을 결코 멈추지 않았기 때문이다. 특히 재일 한인유학생들 일본 내에서 면학에 힘쓰면서 체득한 신지식과 반일의식을 가지고 투쟁을 전개했다. 우리는 재일 한인유학생의 신분으로 전개했던 항일운동의 전개양상이 당시의 조선인의 독립의식과 활동에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지를 바르게 평가하고 이들에 대한 후세대인 우리의 역할을 다시금 기억해야 한다.

Our history has been remembered and celebrated limited to the Korean Peninsula. However, we, the Korean people who have endured countless periods such as the storm, are alienated from remembering and commemorating our compatriots who left the Korean Peninsula with the spirit of the people and took root in the daytime land. In particular, remember those who lived in Japan for survival in the Japanese colonial era or as Koreans in Japan after swallowing their sorrow and avoiding Japan’s exploitation and oppression because they never stopped fighting for national independence, not just for survival. In particular, Korean students in Japan struggled with new knowledge and anti-Japanese consciousness while studying in Japan. We should properly evaluate how the development of the anti-Japanese movement, which was developed as a Korean international student in Japan, affected the independence consciousness and activities of Koreans at that time and remember our role as a future generation.