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대동사학 [DAEDONG SAHAK ; The Daedong Historical Journal]

간행물 정보
  • 자료유형
    학술지
  • 발행기관
    대동사학회 [DAEDONG HISTORY ASSOCIATION]
  • pISSN
    1738-5369
  • 간기
    반년간
  • 수록기간
    2002 ~ 2005
  • 주제분류
    인문학 > 역사학
  • 십진분류
    KDC 911 DDC 951
많이 이용된 논문 (최근 1년 기준)
No
1

이용수:37회 기록물관리 전문 요원으로서 조선시대의 史官

장순순

대동사학회 대동사학 제4집 2005.04 pp.55-84

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

In this paper, the characteristics of the historiographer(史官) as an archivist have been researched. According to the current documentary management law, an archivist has to have some appropriate qualifications. Handing down to posterity, the judgment of an archivist is very important because it decides the maintenance of the records themselves, and further that of the personal historical records personal or national ones. In the same manner, to be a historiographer, there should be several conditions or qualifications as well. Above all, they should have knowledge, scholarly attainments and social conditions as a Confucianist. They should pass the test of liberal arts, have the ability to narrate history, broad historical knowledge, can face up to the reality to judge right from wrong, should be from the noble class, and should be honest not to be contrary to public opinions. So the historiographer appointed by these strict conditions and procedures has a privilege not to be interrogated when his faults are not heavy. Historiographers in Joseon dynasty carried out the tasks of collection, maintenance, compilation, evaluation, and preservation of documentaries. The archivists of now carry out the collection of registered documentaries from all the administrations, but the historiographers directly participated in producing records. They recorded all of the administrative works done by not only the King, but also by the central and local governments. They collected data to compile administrative businesses, kinds of previous businesses, and chronicles. Seen above, they not only preserved the documentaries but also produced the records directly. The documentaries recorded and compiled by the historiographers were made based on the historical one among the values of administrative, historical, and informative which contemporary documentaries aim for. That's because the records were made based on the Confucian theory of history description that the historical records could be used as a mirror for the descendants. Therefore the facilities for keeping the government records were not located downtown, but in the deep mountain. Because they were not for the public to read, but for safe keeping and preservation. In evaluating the documentaries, archivists decide the maintenance and abolition of them objectively based on the administrative and historical values, but that of historiographers is a little different from archivists. They described affairs and persons in chronicles and add historical essays on them as well; therefore historiographers did more subjective and direct attempts than archivists when performing evaluation.

2

이용수:29회 조한욱 저 : 문화로 보면 역사가 달라진다

이경구

대동사학회 대동사학 제2집 2003.12 pp.119-136

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

3

이용수:22회 선조대 정여립 옥사와 정철

李熙煥

대동사학회 대동사학 제4집 2005.04 pp.25-54

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

The report of Jeong Yeo-Rip's treason plot to the authorities in 1589 came from the Hwanghae-do province, not from the Jeolla-do province where he lived. The reason was that in the Hwanghae-do province Westerners(Seoin) outnumbered Easterners(Dongin), and that the Song Ik-Pil brothers resorted to trickery, who were degraded to a low rank of servant and secluded there by the Dongin. Therefore, the incident was not the plain plot of the treason, but the massacre from the fabricated plot of treason on Jeong Yeo-Rip, where Jeong Cheol and Song Ik-Pil took the lead in purging the Dongin. There is an opinion that Jeong Yeo-Rip's treason plot was real, but I think that the analysis of the related evidences shows that the contention was illogical, so it was a pure fabrication. The plot began from Yang Cheon-Hoe's memorial to the throne at Jeong Cheol's instigation, and escalated to the massacre with Jeong Jip's written statement, Nakan's scholar Son Hung-Bok's statement and Jeong Am-Su's memorial to the throne. Most of the concerned men were tortured to death before the conclusion of the judgement. The investigation was to get rid of the political rivals and the mortal enemies, not to find out the truth of the affair. King Sonjo have to share the responsibility with the Dongin for the deterioration of the situation, because he passively dealt with the plot, to leave Jeong Cheol in full charge of the judgement. It was not long before he dismissed Jeong Cheol of his office and deported him, to the result of the establishment of the Dongin government. This was to heighten the dependence of the factions upon the king himself. And the incident occurred at the early stage of the factional strife in the Joseon political scene. In this light, the disadvantages, not the advantages, of the faction politics should be examined a little more. According to the current theory of the faction politics, the political history of the late Joseon have been explained by the way of the symmetrical dichotomy, such as Padang or Bungdang. But the theory cannot explain the political scene after the conflict of the Dongin and the Seoin. The massacre of 1589 left many wrong heritages. Factional strife became hereditary, and the diversity of the thought was more suppressed, and the Dongin began to diverge into the Namin and the Bukin. Moreover the incident became a precedent of the intrigue and the murder to purge political rivals, and to seize the political power. Finally it was not real that the incident had an unfavorable influence upon the Jeolla-do province. There were no disadvantages against the hometown of Jeong Yeo-Rip from the government, which in turn proves the fabrication of his treason plot.

4

이용수:18회 조선 후기 地方 場市의 분포와 특징 - 전주·남원을 중심으로 -

高星鎬

대동사학회 대동사학 제3집 2004.12 pp.31-62

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

5

이용수:15회 토인비 역사관의 신종합적 연구

이규하

대동사학회 대동사학 제1집 2002.12 pp.247-271

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

6

이용수:14회 당 태종대의 사신 파견과 그 외교적 역할

염경이

대동사학회 대동사학 제5집 2005.10 pp.89-118

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

7

이용수:14회 부 체제론과 백제 초기의 部

최범호

대동사학회 대동사학 제1집 2002.12 pp.29-52

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

8

이용수:13회 무주 赤裳山城 축성 시기 고찰

박대길

대동사학회 대동사학 제5집 2005.10 pp.25-48

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

9

이용수:12회 아리랑 기원의 諸說에 대한 검토

김창주

대동사학회 대동사학 제2집 2003.12 pp.53-82

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

10

이용수:11회 『삼국사기』 「백제본기」 초기 기록의 불신론 비판

최범호

대동사학회 대동사학 제4집 2005.04 pp.5-23

※ 원문제공기관과의 협약기간이 종료되어 열람이 제한될 수 있습니다.

We reveal substance of the Baekje(百濟) the history of the early periods, but a the most important problem is just the Samguksagi(三國史記) initial record distrust. The most Korean ancient history researcher a few values of the Samkugji Dongijeon(三國志 東夷傳) to have listened to are distrusting an initial record of the Samguksagi. They cannot bring a reason to distrust of the early Records in the Samguksagi based on only the existing common view to light concretely while being reasonable. However, the outline that the Three States are early rather can be somewhat exposed if they see the early Records in the Samguksagi in a viewpoint to admit. If this that those the historical materials admits the possibility that a selection or rejection became when it edites the Samguksagi, even which remain historical materials which did cannot throw away. Therefore, the researcher whom we just stand the Baekje the history of the early periods while admitting a record, and go out is necessary for the Samguksagi(三國史記) Baekjebongi(百濟本紀)

 
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