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Since COVID-19 started to spread worldwide, in the first half of 2020, many countries have taken a huge economic hit. Still, as vaccination began in late 2020 and early 2021, individuals, firms, and governments were able to resume their normal economic activities like the days before the spread of COVID-19. Thus, the Jeju Peace Institute created the Economic Performance Index (EPI) and Economic Resilience Index (ERI) to measure and rank which countries were able to rebound and recover swiftly or which countries are struggling to recover from the economic recession caused by COVID-19. Today, resilience is a concept that is receiving worldwide attention from those who have suffered from the spread of COVID-19. However, to design and implement policies to enhance countries’ resiliency, we need first to measure it objectively. In this sense, we hope our research will serve as a basis for attempts to measure economic resilience more objectively and precisely in the future.

This article asks whether “principled negotiation” as explained by William Ury and Roger Fischer in their classic book Getting to Yes is possible in the context of negotiations between the United States and North Korea. Answering this question leads to a description of two competing schools of interpretation among American analysts trying to explain why negotiations since the end of the Cold War have failed genres. In the end, however, it seems impossible to judge which of these schools—the comedic and the tragic—is correct. Instead, the article concludes by proposing two principles of interpretation—indeterminacy and entanglement—in place of the two.

Joe Biden has been emphasizing the value of democracy and the need to defend and spread the political system since taking office as the President of the United States. In addition, Biden continues to emphasize the need for cooperation and ties between democratic countries to check and balance against non-democratic countries such as China. In particular, recently, to counter China's "One Belt, One Road" project, Biden proposed the establishment of a new version of the project led by democracies. In this regard, the author intends to examine what kind of cooperation and solidarity between democracies is Biden envisioning and what effect Biden's initiative will have on the international political order and South Korea's diplomatic strategy.

How will the ‘new normal’, which was triggered by the US-China strategic competition and the COVID-19 pandemic change the existing international political and economic order? After experiencing the period of embedded liberalism after World War II and neoliberal globalization that emerged after the 1980s, and after the COVID-19 pandemic, the international political and economic order is requesting a new form of order. Thus, through a contribution by Dr. Haeyong Lim, research fellow at the JPI, we intend to investigate what Trump's electoral victory and defeat means, and how the new normal brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic will have on the changes in the existing international political order.

Since the Taliban's occupation of Kabul, major countries are urgently transporting refugees trying to escape Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and Kabul Airport is running into chaos with less than five days left until August 31, when US forces will withdraw completely. While US President Biden has maintained his firm stance on ending the war in Afghanistan and adhering to the deadline for withdrawal, the US domestic and international community have different views on the US decision to withdraw. This manuscript examines the international community's attitude toward the Taliban and the US government after the Taliban's occupation of Kabul on August 15 through article analysis of using GDELT.