Earticle

경주 구황동 탑지에는 분황사 석탑의 초층탑신에 감실과 함께 구비된 금강역사상 판석과 유사한 금강역사상 판석 4개와 통일신라시대 일반형 석탑의 部材(이하 일반형 석탑재)인 갑석재와 옥개석 2개 등이 있다. 그리고 주변에서는 안산암석재와 와편 등이 확인되고 있다. 殘存한 이들 석탑재를 바탕으로 구황동 탑지에조성되었던 석탑의 형식을 추정하는 견해는 크게 두 가지 정도로 구분된다. 분황사 모전석탑과 같은 형식으로 이해하는 경우와 모전석탑이 아닌 특이하고 변형된석탑 즉, 모전석탑 방식과 일반형 석탑의 형식이 혼합된 異型石塔으로 보는 것이다. 특히, 후자는 안산암석재와 금강역사상 판석 그리고 일반형 석탑재가 동일한석탑의 부재로 사용되었다고 생각한다. 이에 반해 본고는 구황동 탑지에 있는 금강역사상 판석과 일반형 석탑재가 동일한 석탑의 부재가 아님을 연구한 글이다. 다시 말해 금강역사상 판석은 안산암석재와 함께 분황사 모전석탑과 동일한 형식으로 조성된 탑부재이며, 일반형 석탑재는 이와는 별개인 일반형 석탑의 부재임을 추론한 글이다. 이를 위해 먼저 구황동 탑지에 있는 금강역사상 판석과 일반형 석탑재의 현상및 일제강점기 당시의 정황을 분석하여 금강역사상 판석은 원래 구황동 탑지에있었고, 일반형 석탑재는 구황동 탑지에 유입되었을 가능성에 대해 살펴보았다. 그리고 유입되었을 가능성이 큰 일반형 석탑재만으로 별개의 일반형 석탑이 구성될 수 있음을 제기하였다. 일반형 석탑은 대개 갑석의 탑신받침석과 옥개석 5단받침석의 규모가 비슷한 크기로 조성되는데, 구황동 탑지의 일반형 석탑재 간에서 이를 확인하였다. 또한 이들 석탑재의 크기, 비례, 양식적 특징을 중심으로 통일신라시대 일반형 석탑과의 비교․분석을 하였다. 그 결과 구황동 탑지의 일반형 석탑재는 9세기 이후 제작된 일반형 석탑의 부재로 판단되었다. 이는 구황동탑지의 금강역사상 판석에서 像의 제작시기로 추정되는 7세기 중․후반과 시기적 차이를 보여 동일한 석탑의 부재로 파악하는 것은 再考할 필요가 있다. 게다가 구황동 탑지의 금강역사상 판석의 치석수법은 분황사 석탑과 매우 흡사한데, 금강역사상의 크기와 감실 上面의 상인방석이 높일 곳의 너비와 감실 開 口部의 크기까지 비슷한 것을 확인하였다. 기단부에서 확인되는 石列의 크기(650cm×650cm)는 분황사의 초층탑신받침석과 비교되는 크기이기도 하다. 이 모든 현상과 주변에서 수습되는 안산암석재의 존재를 통해 7세기 중․후반, 구황동탑지에 분황사 모전석탑의 형식을 띤 석탑이 조성되었던 것으로 추정된다. 그리고 이 규모를 참작하고 현재 잔존하는 일반형 석탑재와 그 크기를 살펴볼 때 모전석탑과 일반형 석탑이 혼재된 이형석탑으로 판단하는 것은 무리가 따른다.

There are 4 images of Vajrapani flagstones similar to those in the tabernacle of first body in Bunhwangsa stone pagoda, and two types of stones, capstone and roof stone, which was a standard pagoda configuration during Unified Silla on the Guhwangdong pagoda site. Andesite and pieces of roof tile have also been found around the site. There are two divided views of estimating the type of composition of the Guhwangdong pagoda site on the basis of these pagoda materials. One is understood to be the same type of Bunhwangsa temple mojeonsoektap(imitation brick pagoda), and the other is the stone pagoda of special form(ehyeonseoktap), which is a mixed shape of a stone brick pagoda and a standard type. In particular, the latter is understood to be andesite, images of Vajrapani flagstone, and standard stone pagoda material. On the other hand, this study shows that images of Vajrapani flagstone and standard stone pagoda material are not used to build a pagoda. In other words, Guhwandong pagoda is composed of images of Vajrapani flagstone, the same material used at Bunwhangsa stone pagoda, and andesite. However, standard stone material is absent in the pagoda on the Guhwagdong pagoda site. To verify this, we first looked at the context of the history during the Japanese occupation by analyzing images of Vajrapani flagstone and standard stone material. Then we studied the possibility of an influx of images of Vajrapani flagstone, and standard pagoda stone, into the original Guhwangdong pagoda site. Then we suggested that it is likely that the standard stone pagoda was constructed using only standard pagoda stone material, of which there was alarge influx at that time. Standard pagodas of similar sizes consist of a body support and tiered roof support(5 level bridging stones). These are found in the standard stone material of the Guhwangdong pagoda site. In addition, the size, proportion, ratio, and style traits of the pagoda stone material are analyzed and compared with standard stone pagodas of Unified Silla. As a result, standard pagoda stone material was determined by the absence of a standard pagoda construction since the ninth century. It illustrates that it is necessary to re-think the reason for the absence of similar styles of pagoda because of the difference in time of images of Vajrapani flagstone on the Guhwangdong pagoda site which is estimated between mid and late 7th century. In addition, the method of leveling of images of Vajrapani flagstone on the Guhwangdong pagoda site is very similar to that of Bunhwangsa stone pagoda. It is also identified the similarity in the size of images of Vajrapani flagstone and width of upper aspect of tabernacle and the size of the tabernacle opening. The size of stone alignments (650x650cm) identified on the the base is also compared to the first body support of imitation brick pagoda in Bunhwangsa temple. Through the presence of andesite recovered from the surroundings of the site, it is speculated that there were stone pagodas similar to the brick-like stone pagoda of Bunhwangsa on the Guhwangdong pagoda site in the mid 7th century. It seems unreasonable to recognize it as a mixed-styled pagoda of standard and imitation brick pagoda considering the scale of Guhwangdong pagoda.

The structure of microbial communities in a typical Italian-style salami, including bacterial and fungal diversity, was investigated by high-throughput sequencing technology. A total of 6 phyla, 7 classes, 19 orders, 20 families and 28 genera were obtained from 16S rDNA sequences, and a total of 2 phyla, 4 classes, 4 orders, 5 families, 10 genera and 12 Species were obtained from 18S rDNA sequences. The core microbiota was composed of Staphylococcaceae, representing up to 97.52% of the total 16S rRNA, and Penicillium digitatum, accounting for 99.74% of the total classified 18S rRNA. Lactobacillales and Saccharomycetales were detected with a quite low proportion of 1.71 and 0.007%, respectively. This study contributes to the knowledge of the microbial diversity involved in salami and presents high-throughput sequencing as a useful tool to evaluate microbial diversity and monitor the food-borne pathogens in fermented sausage.

본 연구는 식민지 시대 한국 프로시에 가해진 검열의 양태를 분석하는 것을 통해 그 전범(典範)은 검열과의 싸움을 통해서 이루어진 것이라는 점을 밝히려 했다. 식민지 시대 한국 프로시의 전범은 형상성이 부족한 채 구호만 난무하다는 의미에서 ‘뼈다귀시’이거나 감상성이 다분한 단편서사시 양식으로 알려져 있다. 그러나 식민지 문학을 포함하여 모든 문자 체계는 검열을 통과하지 않고는 존재하지 못한다. 그런 점에서 프로시의 전범적 양식은 검열 시스템의 적용 방식에 따라 시기별, 매체별로 다르게 구성되어 간다. 식민지 시대 프로시가 가장 많이 실린 매체는 『개벽』(1925～6년 한정), 『조선일보』, 『조선지광』이었다. 각기 『개벽』에는 신경향파 성격의 프로시가 『조선일보』에는 뼈다귀시류의 시가. 『조선지광』에서는 단편서사시 양식의 시가 많이 실렸다. 『조선일보』의 경우, 신문으로 제공될 수 있는 지면의 면적이 적었고, 또 기동성있는 일간지라는 성격상 삐라처럼 선전선동의 구호가 강렬한 시가 많이 실렸다. 『개벽』과 『조선지광』은 잡지였던 만큼 비교적 넉넉했던 지면의 분량 때문인지 신경향파와 프로 시 중에서도 긴 양식의 시가 게재 가능했다. 특히 대중화 논쟁의 도화선이 된 『조선지광』에 실린 단편서사시의 경우, 창작 주체들은 검열을 거쳐 계급적 전망을 대중들에게 아지프로하기 위해서 당대 봉건성과 대중적 감수성에 의존하게 된다. 또 여성화자를 이용한 가족 서사는 식민지 검열을 우회하는 데 유리한 것이었기 때문에, 프로시인들은 이를 활용하는 것으로 제도와 타협하게 된다. 그리고 이러한 검열 상황에서도 프로 시인들은 매체별 검열의 위계화나, 제국과 식민지 검열시스템의 차별을 활용하여 자신들이 말하고자 하는 것을 형상화하려 시도했다. 이들이 검열 체제에서 구하고자 한 형상은 전세계의 노동자가 하나되어 제국주의와 싸우는 프롤레타리아 세계주의와 죽음을 불사하고 감옥에서도 싸우는 프롤레타리아의 거룩한 형상이었다. 이는 일본에서 발행된 매체나 조선의 신문에 축약되거나 숨겨진 형태로 드러날 수밖에 없었다. 그런 면에서 검열이야말로 조선 프로시 형상의 가난함을 생성한 하나의 기원이자, 이를 뚫고 말하고자 하는 바를 어떻게든 표현하고자 했던 주체들의 고투의 장(場 )이다.

This study attempted to reveal that the proletarian poetry was achieved through the fight against censorship by analyzing the patterns of censorship imposed on Korean proletarian poetry during the colonial era. The typical style of Korean proletarian poetry during the colonial era is known as ‘bone-line poetry’ in the sense that it lacks form and is full of slogans, or as a short epic style with a lot of sentimentality. However, all writing systems, including colonial literature, cannot exist without passing censorship. In that respect, the typical style of Korean proletarian poetry is structured differently depending on the period and media depending on how the censorship system is applied. The media that carried the most proletarian poetry during the colonial era were 『Gaebyeok』 (limited to 1925-6), 『ChosunIlbo』, and 『ChosunJigwang』. In 『Gaebyeok』, there is a pro-poetry with a neo-hyangpa character, and in 『Chosun Ilbo』, there is a poetry of the bone-dash style. 『JoseonJigwang』 contained many short epic poems. In the case of 『ChosunIlbo』, the space that could be provided as a newspaper was small, and due to its nature as a mobile daily newspaper, many poems with strong propaganda slogans, like leaflets, were published. As 『Gaebyeok』 and 『JoseonJigwang』 were magazines, they were able to publish long-form poems even among the neo-hyangpa and proletarian poems, perhaps because of the relatively ample space. In particular, in the case of the short epic poem published in 『JoseonJigwang』, which sparked the popularization debate, the creative subjects went through censorship and relied on the feudalism and popular sensibility of the time to convey their class outlook to the public. Also, since the family narrative using a female narrator was advantageous for bypassing colonial censorship, the pro poets agreed to use it. And even in this censorship situation, proletarian poets attempted to embody what they wanted to say by utilizing the hierarchy of censorship by media and the discrimination of imperial and colonial censorship systems. The image they sought to save from the censorship system was the sacred image of proletarian cosmopolitanism, where workers from all over the world unite and fight against imperialism, and the proletariat risking death and fighting even in prison. This was bound to be revealed in an abbreviated or hidden form in media published in Japan or in newspapers in Joseon. In this way, what they wanted to say could only be expressed in Tokyo’s pages or in deleted language, which were difficult for Joseon readers to find. In that respect, censorship was one of the origins of poverty in the form of korean proletarian poetry, and a place of struggle for subjects who tried to somehow express what they wanted to say by breaking through it.

It can be difficult to distinguish posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) from malingering because a person’s responses after experiencing trauma depend on self-report, such as subjective complaints, and it is easy to find the diagnostic criteria for PTSD through the internet or other mass media. Therefore, it is important for clinicians to perceive patients’ motivations and determine whether they have external incentives. We reviewed clinicians’ and patients’ interview styles, which can be useful for reducing malingering intent and detecting malingering patterns. To help clinicians differentiate PTSD from malingering, we also reviewed the diagnostic criteria (re-experience, avoidance and numbing, and hyperarousal) and the typical symptoms of true and malingered PTSD.

The Empress Dowager Hu, the Chinese woman from Andingjun Linjingxian, was accustomed to a Xianbei-style nomadic culture and folkways, not Chinese culture. She became the Empress Dowager Regent after Emperor Xianwu died, performed ancestral rites in person, which violated Confucian ceremony and ethics, and performed the rites of receiving census registration and account books which was the male- emperors’ own privilege. So, her acting looked like Female emperor not the Empress Dowager Regent. A few conservative Chinese officials remonstrated her violation of the Confucian ceremony and ethics, but the Xianbei ruling class and Chinese officials agreed to her actions and regarded her as their ruler, which was reflected to Wuhuan and Xianbei’s tradition that Wuhwan and Xianbei wives decided everything domestically except for war. The Empress Dowager Hu had an indiscreet relationship with prince Chinghe Yuan Yi, her brother-in-law, which was not only unethical adultery but also a levirate form of the nomadic-style marriage customs. She had intimate relationships with the court favorites such as Zheng Yan(鄭儼), Li Shengui(李神軌), Yang Hua(楊華) which was not Confucian ethics avoiding the widows, especially Empress Dowager’s sexual relationships. Her non-Chinese and Xianbei-style manners and customs such as the reign as Female emperor, the violation of the Confucian ceremony and ethics, unethical adultery, levirate, belief in Buddhism, foreign religion imported from India were due to the Xianbei-style nomadic culture and folkways remained in BeiWei Imperial family and Xianbei-centered ruling class. She did not lead to the Sinicization of Xianbei and other foreign nomadic people but was Chinese symbol completely assimilated to Xianbei-style nomadic culture and folkways.