Earticle

선거는 자유민주주의에 있어 필수적 요소인 동시 그 나라의 민주주의 수준을 측정하는 핵심요소이다. 한국의 경우 1948년 5월 10일 최초의 민주선거가 도입된 후 민주화 과정을 거치면서 제도적 발전과 더불어 선거관리 적 측면에서도 많은 성장을 이루었다. 본 논문은 한국 선거 65년의 변화와 흐름을 개관하고, 특히 민주화 이후 지속가능성의 관점에서 선거제도와 선거관리역할의 변화와 특징을 분석하였다. 민주화 이후 한국 선거제도 변화는 절차적 민주주의의 회복, 불법 선거행위에 대한 근절, 고비용 선거구조 개혁, 정책선거 등 선거문화 개선, 참정권 확대로의 방향성을 보인다. 한편, 선거관리모델은 정치발전형으로 전환되면서 불법행위 예방․단속을 통한 부정선거 근절, 정치관계법 개 정을 통한 법제 선진화, 정책선거 등 성숙한 문화 조성을 중심축으로 변화하고 있다. 이러한 변화 과정을 통해 한국 선거는 현재 완전한 민주주의 국가로 분류․평가되고 있다. 그러나 여전히 변화 를 지속하고 있으며, 선거선진화를 위한 제도적․선거문화적․선거관리적 과제를 안고 있다.

Election is essential to liberal democracy and at the same time takes a key role in measuring the level of democracy of a country. In the case of Korea, it has achieved not only institutional development but also growth in the area of election management through the democratization process since the first democratic election held on May 10, 1948. This thesis touches on changes and trends in the 65 years of electoral history in Korea and focuses specifically on changes and characteristics of the role of election management as well as those of election systems from the perspective of sustainability since democratization. Since democratization, the changes of the election system in Korea include restoration of procedural democracy, eradication of illegal election campaigns, reform of the costly election structure, improvement of an electoral culture through policy-oriented election, expansion of suffrage, etc. Meanwhile, the election management model has been switched to a political development type and has played a pivotal role in eradicating election fraud through the prevention and regulation of illegal activities. In addition, the model has served as a central axis to advance the legal system through revision of the political laws, and to create a mature election culture through policy-oriented election, etc. Through such changes, election in Korea has contributed to the Republic of Korea now being categorized and recognized as full democracy. However, the above-mentioned changes are still underway and there are institutional, electoral cultural and election management-related challenges to be dealt with for the advancement of election.

6·29 선언은 6월 시민항쟁 기간인 6월 29일에 당시 집권당인 민주정의당 대표인 노태우가 국민들의 직선제 개헌요구 등을 받아들여 발표한 특별 선언을 말한다. 6ㆍ29선언은 대규모 대중 참여의 국민적 저항에 직면하여 군 투입을 포기할 수밖에 없었던 전두환을 정점으로 한 집권독재세력의 불가피한 선택이었지만, 동시에 그것은 민주화세력을 분열시켜 독재세력유지를 위한 생존연장술이었다. 한국헌정에서 6월 시민항쟁 과정의 중요한 위치를 차지하고 있는 6ㆍ29선언의 핵심이라 할 수 있는 직선제 개헌의 주장 즉, 누가 먼저 직선제를 받아들이기로 했는지를 두고 당시 권력의 정점(頂点)에 있던 대통령 전두환, 2인자이며 집권여당 대통령 후보였던 노태우 등 당사자들의 주장이 상반되고 있다. 전두환 정권은 국민적 저항에 직면하여 6ㆍ29선언이라는 형태로 민주연합의 핵심적 요구를 수용하는 정치적 양보를 하게 되었고, 야권의 핵심적 지도자들은 정권의 즉각 퇴진을 수반하지 않는 6ㆍ29선언을 받아들임으로써 민주화의 대타협을 하게 되었다. 따라서 6ㆍ29선언은 이러한 일련의 과정에서 장수헌법 탄생의 한 계기가 되었다. 6월 시민항쟁은 한국헌정과정에서 중요한 분수령이었으며 현행헌법 탄생의 산모(産母)였다. 본 논문은 6월 시민항쟁과정에서 나온 6ㆍ29선언의 내용과 상반되고 있는 선언주체 등에 대하여 헌정사적으로 정리ㆍ평가하고자 한다.

June 29 Declaration was a special speech on June 29, 1987, by Roh Tae-woo, the presidential candidate of the ruling Democratic Justice Party at that time, accepting the request for the amendment of the constitution to provide for the direct election of the president. It happened during the time of the June Democratic Struggle. June 29 Declaration consisted of 8 points including amending the constitution for the direct election of the president, peaceful handover of power, revising the presidential election law, granting amnesty to Kim Dae-jung, and releasing political prisoners, and strengthening basic human rights in the bill for the constitutional amendment. June 29 Declaration was an unavoidable choice of the ruling dictatorship centering on Chun Doo-hwan who had to give up using military forces against the national massive protest. It was at the same time a survival extension strategy to maintain dictatorship by disuniting pro-democracy protestors. Regarding the proposal of amending the constitution for the direct election of the president, which was the core issue of the June 29 Declaration, the arguments are contradictory between Chun Doo-hwan who was at the peak of the power as the President then, and Roh Tae-woo who was the 2nd in power and presidential candidate of the ruling party. Notwithstanding the limitations of the amendment of the constitution in 1987, the current constitution is the longest-survived constitution in Korean constitutional history. In the face of national resistance, the Chun Doo-hwan regime made a political concession in the form of the June 29 Declaration to accommodate the core demands of the Democratization Alliance, and key opposition leaders accepted the June 29 Declaration, which did not entail the immediate resignation of the regime. Accordingly, the June 29 Declaration became an opportunity for the birth of the longest-survived constitution in this series of processes. This paper intends to summarize and evaluate the contents of the June 29 Declaration, which came out in the course of the June Citizens' Struggle, and the opposing subjects, etc., in terms of constitutional history.

This study investigates the translation shifts in political ideology reflected in the discourse of the June 29 Declaration issued in 1987 by Roh, Tae Woo, the 13th president of South Korea. It identifies the text's ideological linguistic strategies using Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis framework. It makes a comparative analysis of two English translations of the text related to political ideology. It utilizes the Korean text which was featured in the Han Kook Ilbo (ST). The parallel English texts selected for analysis were presented in The Korea Herald and The Korea Times. Analysing the political discourses, this study focuses on Fairclough’s three types of value in the formal features of the language: experiential, relational, and expressive. Critical Discourse Analysis effectively provides the essential framework for revealing how precise components of language continuously steer people's ideas toward the existing order of political discourse, and how the translators mediate such ideological markers. This study argues that the discourses reflect the author's intention to gain support from the people while reaffirming the ruling party's political ideology. The findings suggest that a lot of the ideological shifts occur in the process of translation, demonstrating that the translators eliminate, reproduce, and transform ideological aspects of the ST. The Korea Herald shows heavier elimination of the political ideology of the ST than The Korea Times while The Korea Times shows heavier reproduction of such ideology than The Korea Herald.