Earticle

한국회화사에서 여성인물화가 집중적으로 많이 출현하는 시기는 조선후기로, 당시 사회의 제도적인 규범이나 관습 및 신분계급 등의 변화가 잘 반영되어 있으며, 표현기법상에 있어서도 당시의 문화양식 · 복식사 · 사상 · 미감 · 화풍 등이 담겨져 있다고 할 수 있다. 유형적인 구분으로는 풍속화와 미인도 등으로 나눌 수 있으며, 이는 시대적인 환경과 표현방법에 따라 다양한 개성과 독특한 조형적 특색을 지니고 있어서 여성인물화에서의 표현기법 연구는 회화사에서 그 의미가 매우 크다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 아직까지 이에 대한 연구는 미비한 실정이다. 따라서 본 고에서는 여성인물화의 표현기법을 세부적으로 파악하기 위한 일환으로 머리 형태를 중심으로 고찰해보고자 한다. 머리를 꾸미는 형식은 당시 여성들의 문화수준과 미의식 · 사회적 제도 등이 반영되어 있어서, 역사적 사료로서의 가치를 지닌다는 점에서 본 연구의 방향에 의의를 두고 있다. 조선 후기에는 사람들의 문화의식이 성장하고 복식면에서도 변화가 일어나면서 머리 형태에서도 변모하는 모습이 나타났다. 특히 여성인물화에서 표현된 머리 형태는 당시의 제도적인 규제나 혼인여부 · 신분제도와 매우 밀접한 관련을 띠며 제작되었다고 할 수 있는데, 이러한 사회적 배경은 구조적 · 규범적 한계에 부딪힌 여성들의 미적 욕구를 일으키게 하여 양산된 가체 · 차액 · 장옷 · 쓰개치마 · 댕기머리 · 쪽머리 · 둘레머리 · 머릿수건 · 트레머리 전모 등의 머리형태가 그림에서 다양하게 표현되었다. 본고에서는 이와 같이 여성인물화에서 볼 수 있는 다양한 머리 형태를 풍속화와 미인도를 통하여 고찰함으로서 그 형태적 변화와 특징을 살펴보고자 하며, 이 머리형태의 표현기법이 당시의 제도적 · 사회적 배경과 문화적 특징 · 당시 여성들의 미의식 등이 반영되고 있었음을 확인할 수 있을 것이다.

It is the era of the Joseon Dynasty that focused on female portraits in history of Korean paintings. Social norms, conventions, and caste are well reflected in those days and even in terms of expression, there are a cultural style · history of costume · ideology · sense of beauty · style of painting. In the case of type classification, it can be divided into a genre painting and portrait of a Beauty, and according to the environment of the times and way of expression, it has a variety of personality traits and unique formative characteristics , so the study on representation technique in female portraits has a significant meaning in history of painting. However, studies on these are still incomplete. Therefore, in this study, we should look into the shape of the hairstyles as part of a detailed understanding of the representation technique of female portraits. A pattern of decorating hair has a meaning to the direction of this study in terms of having value as historical records because it reflects cultural level, asthetic consciousness and social system of woman at that time. In the late Joseon dynasty, hair style changed as people's cultural consciousness grows and clothing style changes. Especially, the hair style showed in female portraits was made with very close relation to the institutional regulation or marital status · caste, and these social background resulted the aesthetic desire of woman who has a structural · standard limit, so hair style such as Ga-Che, Cha-Aek, long hood, head-dress, Daenggi hair, chignon, Dullae hair, head kerchief, chignon Jeon-Mo were espressed in various way in paintings. In this study, we would like to look at the morphological change and characteristic of various hair style in female portraits through genre painting and portrait of a Beauty, and it would be possible to confirm that the representation tecnique of this hair style reflected the systematic, social and cultural characteristics of the time, and the aesthetic consciousness of women at that time.

Apart from India, the caste system operates in many parts of the world but there are some similarities and differences. This article aims to discover how the caste system operates in Bali, especially by highlighting the impact it has on women’s life. I use gender analysis in the reading of a literary work on inter-caste marriage as an instance in order to illustrate the importance of the institution of marriage in preserving the system and how it affects the lives of women. I come to the conclusion that the caste system in Bali represents one type of stratification, along with kinship ties and gender distinctions, via the maintenance of the institution of marriage and the dominance of males over females. Also, although inter-caste marriage is not uncommon, it is considered deviant, while women risk being seen as pollutants in the system. In order to avoid certain disquieting consequences, women must undergo particular rituals in order to eliminate the impact of such pollution.

Caste question is important in India keeping in mind the history and presence of its influence on Indian society and relations of the people. Theoretically speaking, the only two forces which should have been the natural allies in the struggle against the caste system are ? Dalits themselves and the Indian left. But the tragedy of the situation is they never saw eye-to-eye with each other and the relationship between them have been like two adversaries in a battle. Although Indian left recognizes the importance of caste question and the urgent need for its elimination but due to the rigid theoretical positions and their dogmatic understanding they could never come closure to the Dalit politics. There have been a long history of mud-slinging between them begining from the Independance movement till date. The paper focus on the analysis of the points of differences between the two forces. The class based approach of the leftists gave little importance to caste and even saw it as an impediment for growth of class conciousness of masses. Then there is a question of upper caste bias leadership of the leftist parties. The Dalit leadership focussed mainly on the question of Dalits and opposed leftists bitterely. It is during the last few years that Dalit politics realized the devastating effects of Globalization on the pro-dalit policies of local government and started opposing it. Same way, leftists, accepting that by alienating from the Dalit movement it has alienated large sections of the dalit masses which is a solid base for any working class party. That is why in their special party plenum on the question of dalits, there is a shift in their approach.

This article focuses on the contradictions that exist between economic development and gender equity in India. It deploys concepts of cultural violence and symbolic hegemony to understand how gender and caste-based violence is normalized and institutionalized over time through cultural norms. It also uses an intersectional lens to examine the layers of marginalization and oppression. Based on field studies in rural Bihar, it shows that despite development gains, old forms of gender-based discrimination and violence such as son-preference, dowry, witch-hunting, and discriminatory practices associated with menstruation persist. It notes that there are new forms of violence used by the upper caste groups against the lower ones when the latter resist and refuse to continue performing traditional caste-based tasks. We argue that this refusal by lower caste women can be seen as symbolic resistance against historically defined norms of caste. The emerging patterns of violence discussed in the paper need a more concerted and nuanced exploration of reconfigurations of relations within and between caste groups, as well as the cultural and social contexts in which changes are taking place.

This paper makes an attempt at a reconstruction of conception of caste in Marx based on certain specific observations he made in several of his works including the last and important work Capital. It derives the conception of caste from a set of relevant economic categories such as use value, exchange value, mental labour, manual labour, labour power, etc. It explains as to how castes rest on a particular kind of division of labour. The paper makes relevant observations with regard to the ‘freedom’of lower castes to choose the occupation of their choice. It proposes a proletarian revolutionary program aimed at the elimination of caste system. Further, it tries to explain the political context that gave rise to non-proletarian movements that claim to be anti-caste in nature.

Contemporary Hindi short stories are basically the product of discourses, under which stories driven by women, Dalit, and tribal discourse predominate. In this, the stories of Dalit discourse have become the most discussed in terms of quantity and impact. Short Stories related to Dalit consciousness have been written by writers like Premchand, Phanishwar Nath Renu, Markande, Rajendra Yadav, etc., but, after Dalit discourse, only the stories written by Dalit writers have been considered as ‘Dalit stories’. Dalit story critics believe that the stories written before the ‘Dalit discussion’ keeping the Dalit problem at the center are merely an expression of ‘guilt’. In fact, equality, rights consciousness, anger, and self-consciousness were created by Dalit writers only. The contemporary Dalit story (1980-2019) has rejected the Marxist concept of ‘class exploitation’ and has considered the ‘caste-based Varnashram’ system as the leading cause of the Dalit problem. In these stories, instead of exploitation on economic, social, and political grounds, the exploitation caused by a particular caste has been expressed, and in this way, an attempt has been made to establish the question of caste in literature. This is why the Dalit story of this period has recorded caste resistance, a sense of caste pride, and deep anger against the system of caste exploitation. ‘Breaking the class struggle’ was made the central stream by the progressive consciousness in the history of Hindi literature; contemporary Dalits seem to be taking the initiative to convert the story into ‘caste-consciousness.’ What impact does this new literary experiment have on mainstream literature, and how will it impact the Hindi story's emotional consciousness and language craft? this is a question to consider.

This paper uses a case study of Uma Bharati, a woman political leader, to argue that despite appropriating multiple-axis thinking to mask casteism inherent in their ideology, Hindutva politics essentially lays bare its brahmanical allegiance and lineage, with its larger agenda to redefine India as a Hindu rashtra or nation. Bharati, a 'fiery sanyasin’ (female ascetic) of Other Backward Classes (OBC) background, had been awarded a portfolio to clean the 'polluted' Ganga river in the Narendra Modi cabinet in 2014. This paper points out the significance of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in granting this responsibility to a 'radical' who had strategically deployed her caste identity to gain power in Hindutva politics. Bharati had gone against the party to demand caste-based quotas in women's reservation in parliament, and succeeded in rupturing the monolithic identity of upper-caste womanhood in the BJP. While this resulted in the patriarchal upper-caste leadership of the party expelling the 'indisciplined' Bharati on more than one occasion, they have not been able to ignore her. Instead they have 'domesticated' the politically ambitious lower-caste Bharati by conferring her with ministerial power, and compelling her to change focus from the controversial issue of caste to that of cleaning the Ganga, which is a symbol of national and Hindu religious interest.

Cervical cancer has emerged as a major public health problem in Lucknow and New York in the $21^{st}$ century. Cancer genetic studies are essential to identify/stratify disease-susceptible individuals in a population-based cohort. Sample size homogeneity and North Indian caste in female urology genetic-studies are significant issues in meaningful interpretation of data. A review of scientific literature using Pubmed database was conducted, including an assessment of cervical cancer genetic studies conducted as part of the author's doctoral dissertation at a premier Lucknow-based medical research Institute. Sample size numbers and caste criteria in the North Indian cohort ($N{\leq}400$ subjects) were evaluated with homogeneity in the sample cohort data set(s). Subgroup caste-stratification of North Indian cohort is equally essential, for instance, Brahmin (e.g. Pandey), Vaishya (e.g. Mittal), Rajput (e.g. Singh) and Kshudra (e.g. Yadav) during the conception and design of genetics-based studies. Sample size homogeneity in histopathologically confirmed case and control numbers and caste-based stratification in a North Indian cohort is essential in single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) studies in cervical cancer susceptible populations to draw more definitive conclusions.

British Colonial Rule had a number of significant impacts on the Indian subcontinent, and many of these impacts have legacies that continue in modern day India. There is no denying to the fact that these legacies have both positive and negative aspects of impacts. My aim is not to get into the discussion of its nature of impact but to see the some of those legacies the way it is existing in present-day India. This paper traces the legacies of British English Education imposed on Indian Education System and the administrative policies on Social System, especially, on Caste System of India through census operations.

Background: The high incidence and relatively good prognosis of breast cancer has made it the most prevalent cancer in the world today. A large number of distinct mutations and polymorphisms in the p53 gene have been reported worldwide, but there is no report regarding the role of this inherited susceptibility gene in breast cancer risk among the Bengalee Hindu Caste females of West Bengal, India. Aim of the Study: We investigated the distribution and the nature of p53 gene mutations and polymorphisms in exons 5-7 in a cohort of 110 Bengalee Hindu breast cancer patients and 127 age, sex and caste matched controls by direct sequencing. Results: We did not observe any mutations and polymorphisms in our studied individuals. Conclusion: We therefore conclude that mutations in exons 5-7 of p53 gene are rare causes of breast cancer among Bengalee Hindu caste females, and therefore of little help for genetic counseling and diagnostic purposes.

이 논문은 인도 하층카스트의 대변자로 알려진 암베드까르의 글과 의회에서의 발언을 통하여 식민지 시대 하층카스트 남성 개혁가가 가졌던 여성 문제에 대한 인식과 독립 인도에서 여성의 법적 지위에 대한 비전을 고찰한다. 암베드까르는 전통 인도 사회의 여성 억압이 카스트 제도에서 기인한다는 사실을 간파하여 카스트 제도 하에서 하층카스트 뿐 아니라 여성 역시 억압의 대상이었음을 밝혔다. 또한 힌두교 사회에서 여성은 힌두 법전에 의거하여 남성에게 종속되고, 교육을 받을 수 없으며, 종교적 무능력을 감수해야하는 존재임을 제시하였다. 그는 새로운 힌두 민법을 통하여 전통 사회의 종속적여성을 독립 후의 인도공화국에서는 평등한 개인이며 시민으로 자리매김 하고자 했다. 브라흐만적 가부장제를 인도 여성의 억압과 종속성에 대한 근본적 원인으로 파악하는 요즈음의 여성 담론에 비추어볼 때, 암베드까르의 인도 사회제도에 대한 분석과 힌두교에 대한비판은 여성주의적 관점에서 재해석되고 재평가될 여지가 있다고생각된다

This paper examines the Indian women’s problems in traditional Hindu society and the vision of the legal status of women in independent India perceived by a lower-caste-male reformer. The review of writings of Ambedkar, the Hindu Code Bill, and his speeches at legislatures inform us of his pioneering insight on the origin of women’s problems in India. He exposed that the caste system, combined with patriarchy, is responsible for the oppression of women as well as the lower castes. Women in traditional Hindu society have suffered subordination to men, lack of education, and religious incapacity based on Hindu shastras. Introduced by Ambedkar, Hindu Code Bill aimed to grant women the new position of an equal individual citizen. In view of the present feminist discourse of Brahmanical patriarchy (i.e., a structure of female oppression and subordination), it is critical to reinterpret and revaluate Ambedkar’s analysis on the Indian caste system and his criticism on Hinduism.

In the context of the recent discourses of university crisis, this study examined on non-tenure track professors the history and present of caste differentiation that has been formed in the professor society. If the professorship is regarded as a job that supports the unique form of life of research and education, the professorship in Korea is evolving in the direction of eliminating the material foundation of research and education except for a few, and the main factor is the polarization of professor jobs. The polarization of the professor jobs is generated, justified, and maintained by the ideas and practices of ‘elitist excellence’ distorted by the discourse that follows the university ranking system and research-oriented universities model. As a result, the professorship was castrated as if it were a caste system, and it led to the departure of the academic field from the university, especially diagnosing that a new generation of intellectuals were driven into the condition of ‘structural downward(下放)’. If we acknowledge the reality of the caste of professor jobs and the structural downward of intellectuals, it is now necessary to properly analyze and improve the differentiation of the current caste system. Although there are many existing articles on non-tenure track, it is also true that research and discussion are not active compared to their importance. This article is expected to bring their existence to visualization.

카스트는 인도에서 오래된 화두로 지금까지도 주목받고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 현재까지 전(全)인도를 대상으로 카스트에 대한 관심과 변화를 분석한 연구는 부족한 상황이다. 이러한 문제인식에서 본 연구는 인도 전체를 대상으로 카스트에 대한 관심 변화를 살펴보고, 그 관심의 변화를 이끈 핵심 이슈 및 이슈의 트렌드를 분석한다. 본 연구의 방법은 빅데이터 분석으로, 자료수집기간은 인도의 인터넷 사용인구가 5.1%를 넘어선 2009년 1월 1일부터 2021년 12월 31일까지이며, 분석 자료는 ①카스트 검색량, ②카스트 연관검색어, ③연관검색어의 검색량, ④연관검색어의 연관검색어 및 검색량이다. 연구의 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 카스트에 대한 검색량은 꾸준히 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 카스트 관련 이슈는 ①카스트 증명서, ②카스트 개념, ③카스트 카테고리, ④결혼 및 종교로 분류되며, 카스트 관련 이슈의 핵심은 카스트 기반 할당제(Reservation for SC/ST and OBC)인 것으로 파악된다. 셋째, 카스트 관련 이슈가 점차 실용적이고 구체화된 경향을 보인다. 이를 종합할 때, 카스트는 여전히 인도인의 관심 주제이며, 실용적인 이슈와 긴밀히 연결되어 당분간 인도사회에서 사라지기 어려울 것으로 판단된다.

Caste has been a hot topic for a long time and is still attracting attention in India. Nevertheless, studies analyzing the notions and change of caste all over India, are lacking so far. In this regard, the study examines changes in interest levels and analyzes key issues and trends that have led to changes in caste across India through big data. The data collection period for this study is from January 1, 2009 (Internet users in India exceeded 5.1%) to December 31, 2021. For the research, ① caste search volume, ② related search terms, ③ search volume of related search terms, and ④ related search terms and volume from 'google trends' were collected and analyzed during the period. The analysis results are as follows. First, the search volume for caste has steadily increased. Second, caste-related issues are classified into ① caste certificate, ② caste notions, ③ caste category, ④ marriage and religion, and the core of caste-related issues are identified as the caste-based affirmative action and system(Reservation for SC, ST and OBC). Third, caste-related issues tend to be practical and specific. In conclusion, caste is still a topic of interest among Indians, and it will be difficult to disappear from Indian society for the time being since it is closely related to daily practical issues.

한국 행정학의 학문적 발전 및 후속 세대 양성을 위해 능력을 우선으로 하는 대학 교수 채용은 무엇보다 필수적이다. 그러나 한국의 경우 능력보다 출신 학교를 우선시 하는 특수주의적 사고가 교수 채용 과정을 지배해 왔다는 지적이 계속되어 왔다. 이에 따라 본 연구에서는 행정학계에서 연구자이자 교육자로서 훈련받은 기관과, 교수로서 채용된 기관 사이에 발생한 교수 인력 흐름을 분석하고자 하였다. 이 과정에서 Weber와 Bourdieu의 이론을 토대로 학계에는 대학의 명성에 따른 계층이 존재하고, 대학 간 인력 흐름은 이 계층에 의해 좌우된다는 구조적 시각으로 접근 하였으며, 행위자 간 관계의 구조를 파악할 수 있게 해주는 네트워크 분석을 그 방법으로 사용하였다. 분석 결과, 한국 행정학계 교수 인력 흐름은 출신 학부가 어디인지에 따라 교수로 채용되는 기관이 제한되는 고도로 계층화 되어 있는 모습을 띠고 있었다. 또한 박사학위 수여 기관의 국적에 따라 하향적･상향적 이동이 좌우되는 양상 역시 보여주었다. 하지만 기존의 지적과 달리 박사 학위를 해외, 특히 미국 기관에서 수여 받음과 무관하게 상향적 인력 흐름은 최소화 되어 있었으며, 따라서 교수의 학부 수여기관이 가지는 명성에 의해 인력 흐름이라는 네트워크 구조가 결정되는 현상을 보여주었다.

In the academic world, it has been argued that hiring patterns in universities are based on particularism: where applicants graduated from, not what they achieved. In other words, there exists a ”network of prestige” or strict stratification by prestige of universities in the faculty hiring process, which is grounded in the theories of Weber and Bourdieu. However, most studies stay on the level of discourse, and few have empirically tackled this phenomenon. In order to bridge this gap, this study used social network analysis to analyze the patterns of faculty flow in public administration (PA) departments in Korea. The results can be summarized as follows. First, flows of faculty in PA departments were highly stratified according to BA degree granting institute. Second, the nationality of the PhD degree granting institute does not show much influence on stratification. Unlike previous arguments, a PhD obtained at a U.S. university does not seem to have profound power in deciding the direction of faculty flows, in comparison with at which Korean university the BA degree was obtained.

This essay aims to show that Arundhati Roy in The God of Small Things penetrates the multi-layered oppressive structures of colonialism, caste, gender, and globalization in Indian society, by revealing the formidable oppressions of the powerful dominant systems on the powerless and underprivileged in the margin. Roy attempts to subvert the 'big' public narratives of the dominant systems and restore the hidden 'small' stories of the powerless. For this purpose, Roy foregrounds the dangerous love between Ammu (an upper-class woman) and Velutha (an untouchable man) which is thoroughly subdued by the society since it transgresses the rigid boundaries set by social order. Moreover, she rewrites this forbidden love as a courageous and resistant act which threatens the dominant society. Thus, Roy's narrative achieves 'the narrative from below' which discloses the violent oppressions of the dominant society from the viewpoint of the margin and suggests the possibility of resisting them.

인도에서 민주주의적 선거가 시작된 이래 각 카스트들의 정치적 각성과 이에 따른 정치블럭화가 심화되면서, 특히 하층카스트들의 ‘수’를 앞세운 정치세력화는 독립이후 인도 정치사의 한 특징이라 할 만큼 보편화되고 있다. 식민지 시대부터 달리뜨 계층의 정치적 각성을 이끌어 왔던 암베드까르의 사후, 달리뜨 정당 지도자들이 국민회의로 흡수되면서 RPI와 그 근거지인 마하라슈뜨라 지역은 중요성을 잃어갔고, 1980년대부터는 북인도의 뻔잡, UP 등지를 중심으로 깐쉬 람이 주도하는 달리뜨 운동이 점차로 부각되었다. 초기에 노동조합을 중심으로 활동하던 깐쉬 람은 암베드까르의 정치적 방법을 이용하면서도 그와는 차별화된 이론으로 하층카스트의 정체성을 확립하고 카스트를 정치 담론의 중심으로 삼았다. 인도의 원 주인이라는 하층카스트의 정체성은 지정카스트, 지정부족, 기타후진계층과 소수종교집단을 하나의 범주로 묶는 바후잔 개념으로 발전하였으며, 이는 의회주의적 방법에 의존하여 소수집단으로서의 한계를 안고 정치활동을 할 수 밖에 없었던 과거 암베드까르 방식에서 벗어나게 하는 큰 전환점을 마련해 주었다. 그러나 현실 정치에서 바후잔 연합의 중심축인 달리뜨-슈드라 제휴는 오래 지속되지 못하였고, BSP는 오히려 상층카스트 중심의 정당과의 연정수립을 통해 정치권력을 획득했다. 이후 상층카스트의 지지 확보에 눈을 돌린 BSP는 ‘바후잔에서 싸르바잔으로’라는 슬로건 하에 다양한 계층의 카스트 집단들을 규합하여 주의회 선거에서 성공을 거두었다. 그럼에도 BSP는 적어도 일정 기간 동안은 ‘달리뜨 정당’의 이미지를 벗지는 못할 것이며, 달리뜨는 여전히 가장 중요한 지지집단을 이루고 있다. 싸르바잔 개념은 바후잔 중심의 사회를 지향했던 BSP의 기존 이데올로기와는 상이한 것으로 보이지만, 그 저류를 형성하고 있는 카스트 중심의 논리에는 큰 변화가 없다. 따라서 향후 싸르바잔 개념을 이용한 전략을 앞세운 BSP의 성공 여부는 다양한 카스트 집단들의 요구를 어떻게 수용하느냐 하는 현실적 문제와 함께 여타 정당들이 카스트 담론을 대체할 새로운 정치담론을 성립시킬 수 있는가에 달려있다고 할 수 있다.

Since the 1960s a new political assertiveness has characterized India’s lower castes, the Other Backward Classes and the Scheduled Castes, that comprise more than two-thirds of the population, which resulted in inexorable growth of lower-caste representation in national politics. If we concentrate on the case of Dalit politics, after the death of Ambedkar, the Republican Party and Maharashtra have lost their central status with the Dalit leaders co-opted to the Indian National Congress. Instead, another Dalit leader Kanshi Ram and his movement flourished in the northern India, especially in Uttar Pradesh, emerged and developed to the first Dalit-based party who holds political power on the state level. Kanshi Ram inherited political legacy of Ambedkar in one hand, but opened new dimension of caste discourse in politics in another. Dalit identity as original owner of India was developed into the Bahujan concept, the majority of people, combining the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, the Other Backward Classes, and the religious minorities. Dalit-Shudra alliance did not last long in the real politics, however, the BSP grabbed political power rather by coalition with upper-caste political party. Later the BSP expanded Bahujan concept to Sarvajan concept, which tries to embrace all the caste groups, in order to draw the supports from various social groups. Sarvajan concept, as well as Bahujan ideology, is understood in the context of caste-centered discourse. Though the BSP successfully drew upper-caste support in 2007 Assembly elections, it will remain as Dalit party holding Dalit voters as its primary and loyal supporters. Further success of the BSP and its Sarvajan strategy depend on its ability to satisfy demands of various caste groups and on the formation of new political discourse substitutable for existing caste-centered discourse.

The Caste system in India plays a vital role in The God of Small Things. As far as we know, the system controls every single act of all Indians. Arundhati Roy suggests a overwhelmingly self-supportive and self-trained character named Velutha as a representative of god of small things who can inspire a society without the caste system in its various meanings into us. He joins the metabolic exchanges of nature which lead him to the holistic perspectives, joins a communist movement which can promote the better world for the oppressed, as well. Though he was beaten to death by police officers falsely accused of murder of Sophie Mol, he offered the twin Estha and Rahel an awakening of the connectedness of the low and small things of the world after long wondering. By the novel with the structure of circulating time and events which emphasizes the connection among all living things, Roy prospects the world in equality without any caste.

카스트 제도는 베다와 마누 법전에 뿌리를 두고 있는 힌두교 사회신분제도로서 네팔 주민들의 경제 및 사회적 활동에 큰 영향을 미치고 있다. 지금까지 네팔의 카스트 제도와 관련된 연구는 많이 이루어 졌으나, 농업 소득 및 사회적 자본과 카스트 제도와의 관계에 대한 연구는 거의 발표되지 않았다. 본 논문의 목적은 현대 네팔의 카스트 제도가 주민들의 소득 및 사회적 자본과 어떠한 상관관계를 가지고 있는가를 알아보는 것이다. 이를 위하여 논문은 첫째, 네팔 카스트 제도의 현황 및 특징을 알아보았고 둘째, 주제에 대한 선행연구들을 살펴보았으며 마지막으로 티카플에서 수집한 데이터 분석을 통하여 카스트와 소득 및 사회적 자본의 관계를 분석하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 하위 카스트 일수록 농민이 많고 농업 소득은 타직종에 비하여 낮음으로 결국 하위 카스트일수록 소득이 적었다. 둘째, 카스트 제도는 주민 간 협동과 협력 그리고 신뢰에 음으로 영향을 미쳤다. 상위 카스트로부터의 부당한 대우가 하위 카스트의 내적 응집력을 높여 집단내의 상호 협동과 협력이 강화된 것으로 해석된다. 셋째, 카스트 제도는 지역사회의 정체성과 가치 공유에는 영향을 미치지 못하였다. 카스트 내 응집력이 카스트간 응집력으로는 발전되지 못하였던 것이다. 마지막으로 힌두교 신앙심은 사회적 관계 보다는 개인의 내적 종교심과 관계를 가지고 있었다. 본 연구의 의의는 아직 까지 선행연구가 이루어지지 못하고 있는 카스트 제도와 사회적 자본의 상관관계를 실증연구를 통하여 분석하고 또한 주로 임금 노동이 주를 이루는 카스트와 소득의 상관관계의 연구 지평을 농업소득까지 확장함으로서 네팔 주민들에게 미치는 힌두교 카스트 제도의 영향을 더욱 정교화 할 수 있었다는 데서 찾을 수 있다.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the caste system in Nepal correlates with the income and the social capital. This paper analyses the current status and characteristics of the caste system in Nepal and the relationship between the caste system and inco me and social capital in Tikapur, Nepal. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, the lower caste has the higher proportion of farmers. Agricultural income is lower than other occupations, so the lower caste has the lower income. Second, the caste system strengthens social cooperation and trust within the lower group. Unfair treatment and oppression from the higher castes strengthens the co-operation and cohesion within the lower castes. Third, the caste system does not affect community identity and value sharing. The inter cooperation among castes is weakened due to the exclusive attitude to other castes. Finally, the faith is manifested not through social relations, but through the inner religiosity of the individuals. This study contributes to find the correlation between the caste and income and also extends the scope of the research on income and the caste to the agricultural sector.