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국제연합은 국제사회의 중심 국제기구로서 평화와 안전을 위해 다양한 분야에 서 노력해 왔다. 국제사회에는 많은 변화가 있었지만 2019년부터 지금까지 이어지 는 COVID-19 팬데믹으로 인하여 국제사회는 현재까지 큰 변화에 직면하고 있다. 전 세계적으로 감염이 확대되는 팬데믹은 자국의 대책만으로는 수습할 수 없기 때 문에 전 세계적인 대응이 요구되고 있다. 이러한 국제사회의 변화로 인해 국제연합에 요구되는 위치와 역할도 변화하고 있다. 따라서 현재의 국제연합의 한계와 국제사회의 문제를 인식하고 개선해 나갈 필요가 있다. 그러므로 본 연구는 ‘문선명 선생의 평화사상을 중심으로 국제연합을 어떻게 갱신하여 본연의 창설목적을 달성하게 할 수 있을까?’라는 문제에 집중하 였다. 문선명 선생의 평화사상과 오늘날의 국제사회 형성에 큰 영향을 미친 칸트의 평 화사상을 연구함으로서 문선명 선생과 칸트의 평화사상의 차이점과 공통점을 발견 하였으며, 문선명 선생의 평화사상의 활용성을 시대성과 실천적인 관점에서 밝혔 다. 그리하여 국제연합의 한계를 밝히며 향후 국제연합의 갱신 방안을 문선명 선생의 평화사상을 중심으로 다음의 네 가지 방안을 제안한다. 첫째, 양원제 도입, 둘째, 국제연합 제5사무국 설치, 셋째, NATO를 중심으로 한 집단방위체제의 강화, 그리 고 넷째, 평화NGO 활성화이다. 이 제안을 통해 국제연합이 올바른 방향으로 갱신 된다면 본래의 국제연합 창설목적인 세계평화 실현과 세계평화 유지의 역할을 달 성할 것으로 기대한다.

As the central organization in the international community, the United Nations has been active in various areas around the world, working for the sake of peace and security. The world has undergone many changes, but the COVID-19 pandemic which began in 2019 and continues to this day, is forcing the international community to brace for more changes. Faced with a pandemic not limited to a particular nation’s borders or policies, an international response is needed. Due to changes in the international community, the position and role expected of the United Nations are also changing. There is a need to recognize the limitations of the 76 years-old United Nations, understand the challenges facing the international community and find adequate solutions. Thus, this paper focuses on the question, “How can the United Nations be renewed through Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s ideology of peace to fulfill its founding mandate?” Immanuel Kant’s peace ideology significantly influenced the formation of today’s international community and a comparison between Immanuel Kant’s peace ideology and that of Rev. Sun Myung Moon led to the discovery of various similarities and differences. Furthermore, the implementation of Rev. Moon’s peace ideology is supported through arguments grounded in history and results. Thus, after initially discussing the limitations of the United Nations, this paper suggests four means of renewing the United Nations based on Rev. Sun Myun Moon’s peace ideology: First, implement a bicameral system within the United Nations. Second, install the fifth United Nations office in the Korean Peninsula. Third, strengthen the global collective defense system centering on NATO. Fourth, revitalize peace NGOs. A renewal of the United Nations based on these four proposals raises the prospects for the United Nations to realize its founding mandate: realize and maintain lasting peace around the world.

한국에서의 양원제에 관한 기존의 논의들은 서구의 경험에 기초하여 찬반을 표명하고 있는원론적 연구들이 대부분이다. 본 연구는 제2공화국의 민의원과 참의원의 상호 관계는 물론의회와 정부는 어떤 관계에 있었으며, 양원제의 고유한 특징과 원리가 어떻게 발현되었는지를살펴보았다. 본 연구가 해명한 주요 연구 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 객관적 성과의 관점에서평가한다면, 장면 정부는 양원제가 내장한 제도적 장점들을 창출하는 데 실패하였다. 무엇보다도 장면 민주당 정부의 허약한 리더십과 내각의 극심한 균열이 효율적인 입법화를 가로 막았다. 유례없이 낮은 장면 정부의 입법률은 이에 대한 분명한 증거이다. 둘째, 참의원은 구성과역할 면에서 보수화 경향을 노정하였는데, 이는 신파와 구파의 묵시적 합의, 즉 참의원을 충원과 지지를 창출할 정치혁신의 요체로 인식하기보다는 명망과 연륜을 갖춘 정치원로들의 조용한 퇴출구로 인식하였는데 일차적 원인이 있었다. 또한 새롭게 도입된 복잡한 제한 연기명 투표라는 선거제도 역시 유권자의 관심을 떨어뜨리고 친일관료나 구자유당 출신의 원내 진입에유리한 조건을 만들어 주었다. 이론적 수준에서의 양원제 찬반 논의나 또는 한국의 양원제 실패 요인 분석에서 그동안 간과되어 왔던, 그러나 정말로 중요한 부분은 상원, 한국의 경우 참의원의 독자적 위상과 역할 정립의 실패가 지금까지 양원제 회의론의 가장 유력한 경험적 근거가되고 있다는 사실이다.

In August 2009, the Parliamentary Advisory Committee of Constitutional Revision proposed changing Korea’s National Assembly into a bicameral legislature. However, almost all arguments which support bicameral system are showing a tendency to neglect the firsthand experience of the Second Republic of Korea. As is generally known, the weak and unstable leadership of Primier Changmyun was responsible for much frustration and failure of The Second Republic of Korea. the political leadership of Changmyun was exclusive in nature, lacking integration capabilities. His leadership was not able to integrate political competitors in political process by showing exclusive attitude and unbalanced leadership style when he was dealing with the political opposition. More importantly, I attributed that failure to institutional ambiguity and obscurity of bicameral system in the Second Republic of Korea. Bicameral system in Changmyun Government was lacking in originality and differency between the senate and the House of Representatives.

한국은 제2공화국시대를 제외하고 건국 이래 계속 단원제를 유지했다. 최근 헌법개정논의과정에서 단원제에서 양원제로 변경하려는 움직임이 있다. 한편 이웃나라인 일본은 메이지(明治)헌법시대부터 계속 양원제를 채택해왔다. 메이지 헌법 시대의 제국의회는 '貴族院'과 '衆議院'이라는 두 가지 의회로 구성되었다. 메이지 헌법 시대에는 국민으로부터 선출된 중의원의 독주를 견제하고 天皇制를 유지하기 위해 皇族이나 귀족으로 구성된 귀족원을 두는 양원제를 채택하였다. 제2차 세계대전이 끝나고 GHQ(General Headquarters: 聯合國軍 最高司令官 總司令部)의 주도하에 새로운 헌법을 작성함에 있어서 단원제로 변경하려고 하였다. 그러나 일본정부가 양원제 유지를 희망하였기 때문에 양원 모두 국민에 의해 선출되는 것을 조건으로 양원제가 계속되었다. 현재 일본 국회는 메이지 헌법 시대부터 존속하는 '衆議院'과 귀족원 대신에 새롭게 생긴 '參議院'의 두 가지 의원으로 구성된다. 현재 일본에서는 참의원이 실질적으로 중의원과 거의 구별이 없어졌음을 이유로 '參議院 不要論'이나 '參議院 改革論'이라는 논의가 제기되고 있다. 따라서 건전한 양원제 운용을 위하여 참의원의 존재의의에 대해서 진지하게 검토할 필요가 있다.

Since the foundation of the Republic of Korea in 1948, Korean government maintained unicameral system except the Second Republic era. On the other hand, Japan - the neighboring country of Korea,established bicameral system since the enforcement of the Meiji Constitution in 1890. According to Meiji Constitution, the Diet consists of the House of Representatives and the House of Peers. The bicameral system in the Meiji Constitution was, however, aimed to protect the Emperor system from populism. After the end of the World War II, GHQ (General Headquarters)planned to abolish the House of Peers, and adopt unicameral system as the new Diet of Japan. Japanese government, however, insisted to maintain bicameral system, and the insistence was recognized on the condition that members of both Houses must be formed through election. According to the Japanese Constitution which was enforced in 1947, the Diet of Japan consists of the House of Representatives and the House of Councilors. Today, there are a lot of criticisms that there are no specific differences between the House of Councilors and the House of Representatives structurally. Therefore, some people insist that the House of Councilors should be abolished, and others insist that the House of Councilors must be reformed. In order to operate bicameral system satisfactorily, it is necessary to discuss the significances of bicameral system.

권력구조 개편을 중심으로 한 개헌 논의 속에 양원제 도입의 필요성이 특히 지방분권 차원에서 공론화되고 있다. 본 논문은 신중한 의안처리의 유도, 다양한 대표성의 구현, 남북통일 대비 및 지방분권 차원에서의 양원제 도입 필요성에는 공감하지만 선거를 통한 상원 구성 논의에는 동의하지 않는다. 선거를 통해 선출할 경우, 한국 정치의 행태를 돌이켜봤을 때 같은 정당이 양원을 장악하게 되면 견제와 균형의 의미가 사라질 것이며 다른 정당이 양원의 각각 다수당이 되면 서로 발목잡기의 가능성이 높아져 교착상태 및 정국경색으로 인한 효율성 부족이 심해질 것으로 예상되기 때문이다. 본 논문은 양원제 도입의 유용성을 최대화하면서 폐해를 극복하기 위해 추첨 방식을 통한 지역대표형 민회 도입을 모색한다. 즉 기존 읍․면․동 주민자치위원회를 읍․면․동 민회로 발전시키면서 추첨을 통해 구성하며, 읍․면․동 민회에서 추첨으로 선발한 이들로 시․군․구 민회를, 시․군․구 민회에서 추첨으로 광역시․도 민회를, 광역시․도 민회에서 추첨으로 양원제 하에서 한 원인 국가민회를 구성하는 방식이다. 양원제 하에서 한 원을 추첨으로 구성하는 민회는 심의에 기반을 둔 참여민주주의의 활성화를 통해 대의민주주의의 한계를 보완하고 촛불민심으로 표출된 광장정치를 제도정치로 유도할 수 있는 매개 역할을 할 수 있을 것이다. 무엇보다도 민주주의의 가치인 자유와 평등이 실질적으로 보장됨으로써 시민들이 광장에서의 민주주의자에서 멈추는 것이 아니라 일상생활에서도 민주주의자로서 자리매김할 수 있는 기회를 보장할 수 있을 것이다.

Public interests on the implementation of a bicameral system as part of the constitutional reformation are increasing especially about decentralization of power. In this article, while agreeing with the idea of implementing a bicameral system that would bring about the greater level of deliberation, representation, and decentralization, the author opposes forming the upper house through an election. Korea’s political behavior in retrospect warns that the same party domination for both houses would do serious harm to the principle of check and balance, while different party control for each house would lead to a protracted political stalemate, causing inefficiency in government. In this context, this research evaluates the potential of randomly-selected citizen assembly composed of local representatives as a means to overcome such shortcomings of election and to maximize the utility of the bicameral system. The plan is first to transform the pre-existing grassroots community self-help committee into a randomly-selected citizen assembly, then to have another round of random selection of grassroots citizen assembly to form a district-level assembly and to continue this process until the formation of the provincial citizen assembly. By constituting one of two houses as a randomly-selected citizen assembly within the bicameral system, one is likely to complement current representative democracy and achieve institutionalization of public voices vibrantly expressed through the massive candlelight vigils. Amongst all, a citizen assembly with a random selection of its members would provide opportunities for lay people to reinstate their constitutional rights of freedom and equality not only in the traditional realm of politics but also in their everyday lives.

This paper has focused on the origin of the upper house system(namely Prussian upper house), which abruptly appears in the Fourth Memorial, and the method of its operation. Based on these, the acceptance of Prussian upper house system and reformists’ common perception on upper house are examined. The paper also conducts a multi-dimensional investigation of the actual features of Kang Youwei’s parliamentary system such as the process of transition from a lower house based system to a bicameral chamber based one, the method of election and operation, which appears in the Fourth Memorial. The original source of the upper house system, which reformists like Kang Youwei designed during the Reform Movement, was the Prussian model which operated under a bureaucrat-based upper house system. After 1853, Prussian type upper house system, for which the emperor appointed most of the members, was not too different from the political system of the Qing Dynasty at the time, and therefore, it was a valid, strategic choice minimizing features that may be seen as challenges to the emperor’s authority and relieving the opposition of conservative officials. Kang Youwei, who had been insisting for only a popularly elected lower house in Gongche Shangshu and the Third Memorial, the most radical assertion at the time, suddenly begins to assert for the establishment of bicameral parliamentary system that includes upper house system in the Fourth Memorial. The submission of the Fourth Memorial was approximately two months after the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. Even though there was not a significant transition in the political environment of Qing Dynasty at the time, a slight change is made in Kang’s blueprint of reform during that short period. He submitted the Third Memorial mentioned earlier when he was Jinshi, the degree he acquired when he passed the Civil exam in May 6th, 1895. Earning Jinshi degree must have been a very encouraging event for Kang Youwei and such change in his social position seem to have also caused a change in his subject of interest in politics. In other words, he turned his eyes from the popular election, Xiang guan, and the establishment of local parliamentary system at the county level or provincial level to reformation of the political system of the central government and the establishment of central parliamentary system. The background that stimulated his plan for the establishment of bicameral parliamentary system was the unexpected high appraisal from the Guangxu Emperor. It is evident that Guangxu Emperor’s unexpected consent to the Reformation provided Kang Youwei favorable conditions for driving his Reformation, but Guangxu Emperor’s position and setting the Emperor’s relationship with the officials became new factors to consider. In other words, he sought a breakthrough with the establishment of the upper house system as a way to ease implementing popularly elected lower house and reducing tension between the emperor and officials. In adding the upper house system in the Fourth Memorial, Kang Youwei focused his reasoning on deemphasizing what may be considered as challenges to the emperor’s authority by highlighting the power to appoint the members of the upper house and the right to veto during the decision making process. Also, Kang Youwei’s suggestion of giving limited power to recommend members of the upper house to senior officials of Hanlim Academy, high-ranking officials and Zhouxian can be seen as a strategic choice made to ease the opposition from high-ranking officials in the last period of Qing Dynasty. In other words, Piguanguwen?which consists of ‘direct election’ of the popularly elected parliament, literary chamberlains of Hanlim Academy, ones whom the great officers and county simultaneously recommended to post, and those who submitted memorials?imitated the Prussian upper house organization that was introduced from the West, and it is clear that it was a mo...

In this paper, Modern China’s process of accepting German and Prussian model, which my previous study lacked, was first examined, and traced the process involving the transition of Imperial Germany’s Bundesrat(upper house) to Prussian Upper house, which equate upper house to the government, through the translation by Xu Jianyin(徐建寅) during the process of accepting German and Prussian model. Based on this, on how Xu Jianyin’s translation was applied in the design of parliamentary system that appears in Gongche shangshu and the Fourth Memorial. Especially, ①German lower house system and Yilang(議郞) system of Gongche shangshu(公車上書), ② the relation between Prussia’s upper house system before 1853 and Piguanguwen(闢館顧問) from the Fourth Memorial were focused on. Even though Kang didn’t mention the legislative authority of upper house from Gongche shangshu to the Fourth Memorial, considering that ①lower house(kaimen jiyi) is to be elected through civil election, ②popularly elected MPs were admitted the engagement of the composition of upper house (Prussian Constitution in 1850) ③he planned the establishment of upper house based permanent committee, ④lower house is to participate in voting of matters like budget bills in plenary session, it seems evident that that Kang Youwei referred to Prussia’s bicameral parliamentary system. Also, when compared to the fact that Prussia developed more into centralized authoritarian and bureaucratic upper house, Kang Youwei’s ideas from the Fourth Memorial like participation of popularly elected MPs in upper house and shuren’s right to submit memorial are rather more democratic and even progressive.