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영어

It has been widely assumed that certain island violations are ameliorated by ellipsis. However, Merchant(2001) argues that the second part of the Coordinate Structure Constraint(CSC) in English is not a PF-island and thus its violations cannot be repaired/ameliorated. This paper aims to investigate the repairability of the CSC in Korean. It is shown that as in English, the second part of the CSC (ban on extraction out of conjuncts) is not repairable by ellipsis in Korean. I first show that constructing relevant data is evasive due to some confounding factors. However, I demonstrate that when these factors are carefully controlled for, the data invariably respect the CSC, yielding no repair effects. Comparing the CSC with the relative clause island, I suggest that while the relative clause may well constitute a PF-island, the CSC does not. I also argue that the relevant data are problematic for the in-situ ellipsis approach

목차

Abstract
1. Introduction
2. The Second Part of the CSC and Ellipsis
3. Irrepairability of the CSC
3.1. ATB-Extraction in Fragments
3.2. Forcing Both Conjuncts in Ellipsis
4. Some Implications
5. Concluding Remarks
References

키워드

등위접속구조제약 섬 제약 위배 생략 생략에 의한 개선 등위접속 섬 다중지배 Coordinate Structure Constraint island violation ellipsis repair-by-ellipsis coordinate island multi-dominance

저자

• Bum-Sik Park [ Associate professor at Dongguk University ]

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