Earticle

초록

영어

Focusing on the OT-CC analysis of a case study of the phonological acquisition in English, this paper shows that B » PREC(A, B) cannot be a universal meta-constraint for the ranking of PREC constraints. According to McCarthy (2006, 2007), PREC(A. B), which requires that the violation of a faithfulness constraint B should be preceded by the violation of a faithfulness constraint A in the derivational chains, should not be ranked above a faithfulness constraint B cross-linguistically. However, this paper presents a counter-example against the universality of this ranking relation, by showing that the derived environment opacity effect in the error patterns of Child 142, which was described in Dinnsen (2008), requires that PREC(A, B) be ranked above B, which is the reverse ranking of B » PREC(A, B).

목차

I. 서론
 II. OT-CC의 새로운 기제들과 메타 제약 B ≫ PREC(A, B)
  1. 새로운 기제들 : 적격조건과 후보연쇄 및 PREC 제약
  2. 메타 제약으로서의 B ≫ PREC(A, B)
  3. Wolf (2008)의 도출환경 불투명 효과 분석
 III. 영어 음운습득과 메타 제약 B ≫ PREC(A, B)의 문제점
  1. 분석 대상 사례
  2. 도출환경 불투명 효과 단계 분석
  3. 발화오류 패턴 변화 분석
 IV. 결론
 Works Cited
 Abstract

키워드

음운습득 후보연쇄 최적성 이론 도출환경 불투명 효과 유표성 제약 충실성 제약 제약 강등 선행 제약 phonological acquisition OT-CC derived environment opacity effect markedness constraint faithfulness constraint constraint demotion PREC constraint

저자

• 김선회 [ Kim, Sun-Hoi | 중앙대학교 ]

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