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This paper presents a movement-based analysis of control in Korean, adopting Hornstein(1999). The typical pattern of the control construction has been assumed to be confined to infinitival complements. The null subject in the infinitival complement is construed to be anaphorically dependent on the antecedent in the matrix clause. However, control in Korean is observed in CP complements as well. The issue that arises is how to license the long-distance dependency between the null subject and its antecedent crossing over CP. I show that the control dependency in Korean can be best analyzed in terms of movement in the autonomous syntax. The generalization is that control movement takes place long-distance crossing over CP regardless of finiteness of the clause. This fact is accounted for under the hypothesis that in a language without phi-agreement like Korean, the thematic subject is not raised to Spec TP, which consequently is available as an escape hatch for A-movement(Kim, 2011). The guiding idea of my analysis is that the apparent long-distance A-movement is made up of a sequence of strictly local movement. My analysis is reduced to Rizzi’s(1990) Relativized Minimality. (Youngsan University)

목차

Abstract
 1. Introduction
 2. Previous Analysis
  2.1. A movement analysis of control
  2.2. Lee(2011)’s analysis of finite control in Korean
 3. Analysis
  3.1. Spec TP as a locus of A-movement in Korean
  3.2. An alternative analysis
 4. Finiteness and locality
 5. Extension
 6. Conclusion
 References

키워드

원거리 통제 논항이동 국지성 비한정성 상대적 최소성조건 long-distance control A-movement locality Spec TP unboundedness Relativized Minimality Spec TP

저자

• Byong-Kwon Kim [ Youngsan University ]

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