“L-Nasalization, N-Lateralization, and Initial Sound Law: An Optimality Theoretic Approach.” Studies on English Language & Literature. 36.1(2010): 245-258. The purpose of this study is twofold: (a) to account for some counterexamples of Davis and Shin’s (1999) analysis of l-nasalization and n-lateralization; (b) to explore how Optimality Theory can deal with Initial Sound Law in Korean. Davis and Shin (1999) account for l-nasalization and n-lateralization by using phonologically-motivated syllable contact constraint, which means avoidance of rising sonority over a syllable boundary, and other constraints. However, they do not account for some counterexamples, as illustrated in /cinlyo/ [cillyo] ‘medical examination’ and /waŋcinlyo/ [waŋcinnyo], ‘fee for a doctor’s visit,’ in which the former is related to n-lateralization and the latter is related to l-nasalization in spite of their same environment of the sequence -nl-. We propose the constraint MAX[nas]]+ in order to account for them. In addition, we account for Initial Sound Law by using some phonetically/phonologically-motivated constraints—*[w Lateral and *[w[+son, +cor, -high][+son, +cor, +high]. (Chungbuk National University)
목차
Abstract I. Introduction II. L-Nasalization and N-Lateralization 2.1. Davis and Shin's(1999) analysis 2.2. Counterexamples and Morphological Boundaries III. Initial Sound Law 3.1. Data 3.2. Constraint-based account IV. Concluding Remarks Works Cited