Earticle

This paper aims to describe the dialect words of ‘Jindallae and their geographical distribution through the diversely developed dialect words of ‘Jindallae’, and to review their derivations through it. There are a total of 13 dialect words of ‘Jindallae’. The first to sixth words are expressed in the form of the ‘jin-‘ group, ‘cham’-group, ‘gae’-group, ‘yeon’-group, ‘sin’-group, and ‘seon’-group dialect words. Concerning the seventh to thirteenth words, it is difficult to reveal their derivations or they are unable to be connected etymologically with the aforementioned groups of ‘Jindallae. Since ‘Jindallae’ is confused with their objects and is distinguished from similar objects, their dialect words also demonstrate such characteristics; thus, this paper reviews such a pattern. However, there are a number of dialect words of which the derivation cannot be discovered because of the insufficient cultural experience of each region and due to indirect research. As ‘Jindallae’ is very friendly and familiar to us, there has been an effort to distinguish it from other types of flowers. Nevertheless, since it is difficult to visually distinguish ‘Jindallae’ from other flowers, the derivatives of dialect words have appeared in confusion. Concerning the derivations of ‘plants’, research particularly into ‘Jindallae’ appears to be poor. This is because there are many similar types of ‘plants’. Accordingly, those objects are often confusing, and their linguistic forms are potentially subjected to confusion because of this aspect. Also for ‘Jindallae’, since there are many similar flowers blooming in a similar period, speakers are frequently confused and their dialect words are not a few. In conducting research into the derivations of vocabularies, the remaining problem may be the following limitation: the ambiguity in derivations or the job which depends on folk etymology or inference; however, it may be necessary to accurately investigate remaining dialect words and to discover their derivations through the comparison of conformity with their objects.

This paper aims to look into the phonological characteristics of the dialect of Danyang in Chungcheongbuk-do. Danyang-gun is located in the northeastern end of Chungcheongbuk-do; thus the southeast of Danyang-gun faces Gyeongsangbuk-do and the north of Danyang-gun faces Gangwon-do. Such a geological position cause the contact region affected by the sphere of another dialect. In taking a look into the phonological system of Danyang dialect, 19 consonants are realized in the consonant system as they are in the dialect of the central area; however, in the vowel system, 8 to 10 short vowels are realized. As to the phonological phenomenon, the paper considered glottalization, palatalization, neutralization, substantive syllable-final consonantal alteration, consonant cluster simplification, umlaut, vowel nasalization, monophthongization, and vowel fronting. Among others, consonant cluster simplification, vowel nasalization, monophthongization, and vowel fronting appeared frequently in Dongnam dialect, which demonstrates that Danyang dialect is greatly influenced by Dongnam dialect. Therefore, it is found that although Danyang dialect belongs to the dialect of the central area, it has a character of contact dialect, which is highly affected by Dongnam dialect.

The main emphasis in this paper is placed on the kinship terms of Tianjin dialect. As the representative regional dialect in China, Tianjin dialect has a special historical and cultural value. In particular, the tone of Tianjin dialect is distinctly different from the standard Mandarin. Whereas they use the analogous kinship terms since Tianjin dialect belonging to the Chinese Northern dialect appears on the basis of the Beijing dialect. As can be seen from the analysis above, there are many similarities on Tianjin dialect and Beijing dialect and even the entire Mandarin system. The system of Chinese kinship terms has a very strong historical vicissitudes. The kinship terms of each Chinese local dialect implied plentiful culture of the Chinese society. Consequently, generalizing the kinship terms of Tianjin dialect may give a great help to the study of Tianjin dialect.

天津方言具有其它方言不可比拟的生动性并极富生活气息。我们通过对各年龄段的天津居民的调查发现，天津方言亲属称谓的语音正随着普通话的深入推广发生着一定的变化，在未来的发展中还是会不可避免地发生更大的变化。因此，对天津方言亲属称谓系统的调查研究是必不可少的，从中可以发现更多的天津方言的发展趋势。自从中国开展计划生育政策以来，大城市独生子女的增多使亲属称谓发生很大的变化，在不久的将来，除了“父母、祖父母、外祖父母、岳父母、儿女、孙子孙女、外孙、外孙女”等称谓外，其他的如“伯父、姨母’等称谓将从亲属关系中逐渐消失，他们只是作为一种非血缘关系的社会化泛称存在于人们的日常生活交际语言中。因此对各个地方方言的亲属称谓体系进行探究是很有必要的，也是势不可缓的。作为一个土生土长的天津人，是有义务把天津方言的研究发扬光大，在这里仅就这其中的一个小部分，即天津方言的亲属称谓体系进行了初步的探究，希望能对天津方言的研究有所帮助。

이 연구는 지역 방언의 어원 연구를 살펴서 그 현황과 방향을 제시하는 데 목적이 있다. 최근 방언의 어원 연구는 ‘어원 연구, 어휘사, 형태사, 음운사, 변천과정, 분화, 재구조화’라는 용어를 사용하면서 어원 연구의 폭을 넓혀 왔다. 국어사 문헌에 나오는 많은 어휘들이 방언에서도 음운, 형태, 의미가 변화하여 쓰 이고 있다. 중세국어의 문헌에 나오는 어휘들이 전라 방언에서도 많이 사용된다. 그러 므로 방언 어휘는 국어사와 밀접한 관련을 맺고 분화하는 것이다. 통시적으로 일어난 언어변화도 중요하지만, 공시적 언어변화의 특징이 그 방언의 성격을 잘 드러내는 경향이 많다. 공시적 언어변화에는 ‘접미사의 첨가, 새로운 부사 의 형성, 어간재구조화, 혼태, 반복복합어’ 등이 있어서, 어원과 관련된 방언의 어휘적 관점은 매우 다양하게 전개된다. 방언 어휘의 중요성을 인식시키기 위해서는 방언사전과 국어사전에서 방언 어휘의 어원을 제시해야 한다. 조금 범위를 넓혀서, 지역의 역사와 문화를 이해하면서 개별 어휘를 연구한다면, 문화적 차원의 어원 연구가 진행될 것이고 방언에 대한 새로운 시각이 열릴 것이다.

The purpose of this study is to examine the etymology of local dialects and to present the present situation and directions. recently, the study of the etymology of dialects has broadened the study of etymology using the terms ‘etymology, lexical history, morphological history, phonological history, transitional process, differentiation, and divergence’. Many vocabularies in the historical documents of the Korean language are being used in dialects, changing phonology, form, and meaning. the vocabularies in the middle Korean documents are also used in the jeolla dialect. Therefore, the vocabulary of the dialect is related to Korean language history and diverged. Although diachronic language change is important, there is a tendency that the synchronic language change reveals the characteristics of dialects. For example, the addition of suffixes, formation of new adverbs, restructuring of fishes, mixed texts, and repeating compound words are examples of synchronic language changes. therefore, the vocabulary study of dialect related to the etymology is very diverse. In order to recognize the importance of dialect vocabulary, it is necessary to present the etymology of dialect vocabulary in dialect dictionary and Korean dictionary. by expanding a little more and studying individual vocabulary while understanding the history and culture of the region, a study of the etymology of the cultural dimension will be carried out and a new perspective on dialects will be opened.

The purpose of this study is to analyze and list verb-derived suffixes used in the region of Jeollanam-do and to observe their characteristics. For this study, Jeonnam Dialect Dictionary compiled by Ki-gab Lee et al. (1998) is worked on as material to base a list of verb-derived suffixes appearing in Jeonnam dialect on, and through identifying functions of these suffixes, the characteristics shown in verb-derived suffixes of this regional dialect are examined. Among the 4,455 verbs listed in Jeonnam Dialect Dictionary, 1,279 are derivatives. Subjecting the 1,279 derivatives to suffix analyses, a total of 23 suffixes were discovered and their characteristics were looked at. In verb-derived suffixes of Jeonnam dialect, the most typical phenomena would be stressed suffix of Korean central dialect, '-뜨 리(트리)-‘, deriving in Jeonnam dialect '-치’ or '-씨‘ suffixes with added stress. In Korean central dialect '-뜨리(트리)’ is a very productive stressed suffix, but in Jeonnam dialect its equivalent shows very low productivity, being found in a total of just 4 words.

This paper examines the necessity for professional interpreters proficient in Jejueo, a distinct dialect spoken on Jeju Island, South Korea. Through an analysis of Jejueo's linguistic features, including phonology, morphology, and lexicon, it highlights the potential challenges that non-native Jejueo speakers may encounter in understanding Jeueo. The imperative for Jejueo interpretation emerges from the global need to advocate for and safeguard the invaluable natural, cultural, and historical heritage of Jeju Island, including landmarks like Hallasan, the haenyeo culture, and significant events such as the Jeju 4.3 Incident. Given the substantial linguistic disparities from Standard Korean and the unique regional culture, interpreters well-versed in Jejueo and Jeju culture are indispensable. Experimental outcomes highlight the difficulties faced by interpreters who have resided on Jeju Island for an extended period in understanding Jejueo, leading to markedly lower interpretation accuracy. Conversely, native Jejueo-speaking interpreters demonstrate notably faithful interpretations. These findings underscore the necessity for separate Jejueo learning, even for long-term Jeju residents, to ensure effective interpretation and communication.

이 논문은 『목우자수심결언해』와 『사법어언해』의 언어적 특징을 고찰하고 그것을 방언사적 관점에서 해석한 것이다. 첫째, ‘ㅸ’이 쓰인 부사들과 ‘비’은 각각 ‘ㅸ>ㅂ’ 을 반영한 것과 그 과도교정인 ‘ㅂ>w’을 반영한 예로서 경상 방언의 영향으로 볼 수 있다. 둘째, ‘몬저’와 ‘이졔’는 각각 ㅈ구개음화를 보여주는 j탈락 및 j첨가의 예로서 구개음화의 진원지인 남부 방언의 영향으로 볼 수 있다. 셋째, ‘ 지다’와 ‘사름’은 ‘ㆍ’의 변화와 관련된 이른 예로서 남부 방언의 영향으로 볼 수 있다. 넷째, ‘모다’ 의 명사형 ‘모롬’과 ‘  ’의 동의어인 ‘재’도 남부 방언의 영향일 가능성이 있다. 이러한 특징들은 언해자인 신미의 출신 지역인 영동과 활동 지역인 보은이 경상북도 와 인접한 지방이라는 점과 관련된 것으로 해석된다.

In this paper, we reviewed the linguistic features of Mogujasusimgyeol-eonhae and Sabeobeo-eonhae approaching from historical dialectology. First, adverbs with ‘ㅸ’ reflect ‘ㅸ[ß]>ㅂ[b]’ and ‘비(誹謗)’ reflects ‘ㅂ[b]>w’ as hypercorrection of ‘ㅸ[ß]>ㅂ[b]’, we can attribute these examples to Gyeongsang dialect. Second, ‘몬 저’ and ‘이졔’ reflects /j/ deletion and /j/ addition respectively related to ‘ㅈ’ palatalization, we can attribute these examples to Southern dialect known as epicenter of palatalization. Third, ‘지다’ and ‘사름’ reflects the change of ‘ㆍ’, we can interpret these as the influence of the Southern dialect. Fourth, ‘모롬’, the nominal form of ‘모다’, and ‘재’, the synonym of ‘’, may have been influenced by the Southern dialect. These linguistic features can be interpreted in relation to the fact that Yeongdong(永同) and Boeun(報恩), native region and active region of the translator Sinmi(信眉), adjacent to Gyeongsangbuk-do.

이 글은 메를로-퐁티의 정치, 사회철학을 위한 예비적 논의였던 이전 두 논문(‘기술복 제시대 예술의 정치적 가능성’과 ‘메를로-퐁티 언어철학에서 소쉬르의 영향’)의 구체화 내 지 확장의 시도이다. 그는 주물화되고 교조화된 사적 유물론에서 마르크스를 구출하면서 자신의 급진적인 정치철학적 견해를 드러냈다. 본 글은 메를로- 퐁티의 철학과 마르크스주 의의 접점을 크게 인간과 역사라는 두 가지 측면에서 분석한다. 1. 마르크스가 인간이 아 니라 사회 구조나 혁명에 중점을 두었다는 해석과 관련하여 마르크스 초기 견해를 중심으 로 그의 유물론적 인간관을 메를로- 퐁티의 신체- 주체, 무의 코기토의 측면에서 살펴본 다. 2. 메를로-퐁티의 역사와 변증법에 대한 독특한 견해는 역사적 결정론으로 오인되는 마르크스의 유물사관에 대한 분명한 비판점을 이끌어낼 수 있다. 이 과정에서 마르크스에 대한 메를로-퐁티의 고유한 글쓰기 방식의 틈에 필자는 소쉬르와 니체, 벤야민의 견해들 을 교차시키는 방식을 취할 것이다. 마르크스주의자들과 비- 마르크스주의자들, 심지어 비 정치적으로 보이는 과학자나 인문학자로 보이는 이같은 ‘이질적인 힘들의 연대’는 사회주 의 ‘운동’의 이름으로 교조화되는 주물적 마르크스주의에서 거리두기 위한 것이다. 무엇보 다 사회주의 정치 운동의 몰락과 변절과 타락을 목도하면서 우리 사회에 팽배한 급진적인 정치에 대한 회의주의적이고 패배주의적인 분위기에서 벗어나야할 필요가 있다 이러한 비 관주의에서 벗어나야 새로운 정치철학이 가능한데, 그 시작은 인간과 역사에 대한 재개념 화이다.

This thesis is a subsequent attempt to explain and enlarge the social and political philosophy of Merleau-Ponty. He wrote many essays about Marxism and political problems, which would be explained relating to his early phenomenology and late ontology. To take out of the misconception in the historical materialism of marxism, where the material series excluding every sort of the invisibles and the subject was destined to the certain purpose of the history, we try to purify the philosophy of marx in view of the two aspect, that is, the plane of the human being and the plane of the history. Firstly, in Marx the subject was not dead and lived as such the body-subject of Merleau-Ponty. Marx only denied the ideology of the human being supporting to the interests of Bourgeoisie and stress not-isolated laboured subject. The point of intersection of the concept of the Nietzsche s will to power would help us understanding that the subjects would not be some kinds of the substantiality, rather it would be near by the tacit cogito of Merleau-Ponty. Secondly, according to Benjamin s essays of the history, history would not be the continuum of the time with the narrative as much as the running train toward the final destination. To rescue the History, he said it should be broken up to the fragments. Rather it was as such a piece of the dream, as where Freud interpreted the truth of lived being in the alienated dreams of women as such proletariat. Above all, it is the important thing and sufficiently possible work that the theory of the dream would be related to the semiology of Saussure. The langue was like the history, that is, the revolutionary community. So long as those chains of the signs were not the continuum determined of the time, the chain of the signs was not decided as parole. Langue, history would be lived such as the dream in the marge of the signs. The visible parol would be crossed with the invisible langue. Merleau-Ponty called it chiasm, which is referred as the good dialect with criticizing the bad dialect of Hegel and his friend Sartre s one. Opposing their divided ontology of the being/nothing, Merleau-Ponty opened the undivided ontology with adopting that of Parmenides in Plato. Being and nothing is the discernible and opposing but one interwind as such the relation of signifiant and signifié in the sign theory.

본래 ‘다티다’는 주로 ‘건드리다’와 ‘부딪치다’의 뜻으로 쓰였다. 17세기 이후 ‘부딪 치다’의 뜻이 환유적으로 확장되어 ‘부딪쳐서 신체에 상처를 입다’의 뜻으로도 쓰이게 되었다. ‘건드리다’의 뜻도 살아남았으나 주로 부정적인 맥락에서 쓰이게 되었다. 20세기 들어 중부와 남부 방언에서 ‘다치다’의 주된 의미는 ‘부딪치다’의 함의가 없는 ‘신체에 상처를 입다’로 굳어졌다. 한편 북부 방언에서 ‘다치다’의 주된 의미는 부정적인 의미 운율과 함께 ‘건드리다’로 굳어졌다. ‘다치다’는 이러한 통시적 의미 변화를 거쳐 표준한국어에서 주로 ‘신체에 상처를 입다’, 나아가 ‘마음이 상하다’, ‘재산이 손상되다’의 뜻으로도 쓰이게 되었다. 연변조 선어에서는 ‘(손해가 되게) 건드리다’, ‘만지다’, 은유적으로 확장되어 ‘일에 관계하다’, ‘글을 고치다’의 뜻으로도 쓰이게 되어 상이한 다의 관계를 갖게 되었다.

The verb datida originally meant ‘to touch’, ‘to hit’. After the 17th century, the sense ‘to hit’ was extended metonymically to mean ‘to be injured by hit’. The sense ‘to touch’ also survived but became to use in negative context. By the early 20th century, the sense ‘to be injured’ was confirmed its position as the primary sense in the central and southern dialects. On the other side, the sense ‘to touch’ was still primary and used with negative semantic prosody in the northern dialect. Through these diachronic semantic changes, the verb dachida means mainly ‘to be injured’ in Standard Korean while it means ‘to touch (negative)’ or extended metaphorically to mean ‘to involve’ in Yanbian Korean so that they show different polysemies.

前漢 말기에 성립된 중국 최초의 方言辭典인 『方言』 은 당시 이미 단절된 古語와 함께 前漢의 판도에 속한 각 지역 방언 및 소수민족 어휘를 수록하였고, 특히 과거 고조선 영역이었지만 燕나라 및 前漢에 차례로 편입된 北燕지역 및 朝鮮지역 60例도 포함되어있다. 『방언』 내 朝鮮지역 및 北燕지역은, 각 전체어휘 가운데 공통어휘가 각기 약 84% 및 약 47%에 달하여, 하나의 ‘언어권’을 형성하였고 漢代 12개 ‘方言區’의 하나로도 분류되지만, 당시 여타 ‘方言區’와는 확연히 다른 별도의 언어적 정체성을 보여준다. 한편, 上古 중국어의 ‘방언권’으로 분류되는 燕․代지역의 어휘는 정치․행정적으로 같은 통치권에 속하였던 北燕․朝鮮지역과는 지리적으로 인접하였지만, 언어적으로는 절연에 가까울 정도로 상호 이질성이 강하다. 한편, 『방언』 성립 이후 약 2세기 뒤에 편찬된 『廣雅』 는 중국의 최초 字書인 『爾雅』 의 부족한 내용을 보충한 훈고서로서, 『방언』 이전의 上古 중국어 어휘를 집대성하였고 또한 『방언』 이후 2백년간의 언어 변화 내용도 포함한 것으로 평가된다. 따라서 『廣雅』 에 수록된 전체 어휘를 대상으로 『方言』 내 동북지역 어휘와 同一한 漢字 어휘를 全數 비교 분석하는 방식을 통하여, 『방언』 내 朝鮮․北燕․燕․代지역 각 개별 어휘의 상고 중국어 어휘로부터 유래 여부 즉, 언어적 연원 및 정체성 규명에 접근하는 한편, 각 어휘의 시대적 傳承 관계 파악에 접근할 수 있었다. 즉, 『방언』 의 朝鮮․北燕지역 어휘가 『광아』 에 同一漢字 어휘로 수록된 비율이 68.3%, 同義語 내지 類義語(상고 중국어에서 유래 내지 편입된 어휘로 추정)는 56.7%이며, 燕․代지역 어휘의 『광아』 수록 비율 57.7% 및 同義語 내지 類義語 비율 42.3%보다 높았다. 관련 선행연구에서 같은 방식으로, 『爾雅』 에 수록된 『방언』 의 동북지역 어휘와 同一漢字 어휘를 全數비교 분석한 결과와 비교할 때, 『廣雅』 에 수록된 어휘 숫자 자체가 대폭 증가하였다. 특히 『방언󰡕 성립 시기에 언어적 독자성이 뚜렷하였던 朝鮮․北燕지역 어휘가 『광아』 에서는 도리어 燕․代지역 어휘보다 同義語 내지 類義語 비율이 높게 나타난 것은 朝鮮․北燕지역 어휘의 漢語 표준어휘로의 전환이 급속히 진행된 것으로 볼 수 있고, 『광아』 편찬 시기에는 독자적인 언어정체성이 상실되어 燕․代지역 어휘와의 구분이 무의미하게 되었다. 아울러 『광아』 에 未수록되었거나, 수록되었어도 동의어 내지 유의어가 아닌 異義語로만 나타난 『방언』 내 여타 동북지역 어휘는 上古 중국어에서 유래되지 않은 지역 언어(非漢語系 소수민족 어휘 등)이었거나, 상고 중국어와 관련이 있었어도 『광아』 편찬 당시에는 이미 수록할 가치가 없는 死語가 되었을 가능성이 크다.

Fang Yan(方言), the earliest direct dictionary in China, was compiled by Yang Xiong(揚雄) in late Han dynasty. The book described ancient Chinese words(古語) not being used at that time, dialects in sub-state provinces and politically annexed ethnic minorities’ languages including 60 vocabularies of Northern Yan(北燕) and Chosun (朝鮮) regions which had been former territory of Kochosun(古朝鮮) but were annexed respectively through war by Kingdom of Yan(燕) in early BC 3 century and Han dynasty in BC 108. According to the result of linguistic geographical isogloss analysis on Northern area’s vocabularies in Fang Yan, it reveals that the words of Chosun and Northern Yan region could be classified as one language group but were quite isolated from those of Yan region which was geographically adjacent to and politically belonged to same administrative district under Han dynasty’s rule. So it has been a divisive issue on whether vocabularies of Chosun region was a language of ethnic minority, words of Kochosun, or a dialect of ancient Chinese like those of Yan and Dai(代) region. For investi gating the linguistic origin, identity and transmission of above vocabularies in Northeastern area(東北) including Chosun, Northern Yan, Yan and Dai, this paper tried a complete enumeration survey and comparative analysis between all words of above 4 regions in Fang Yan and the related vocabularies using same Chinese character in Guang Ya(廣雅) which was compiled in AD 3 century, about two hundreds years later than Fang Yan. Through comparative analysis on same Chinese character words between Famg Yan and Guang Ya, it could be concluded out that about 68.3% of Chosun and Northern Yan’s vocabularies in Fang Yan were found in Guang Ya and 56.7% of above two regions’all words were classified as synonym with related vocabularies in Guang Ya while 56.7% of Yan and Dai’s vocabularies in Fang Yan were found in Guang Ya and 42.3% of the latter regions’words in Fang Yan were synonyms in Guang Ya. Furthermore, it could be contributed to investigate linguistic origin and transmission of Northeastern Area’s some vocabularies in Fang Yan by this analysis.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the spectral properties of the two Korean affricates /ㅈ/ and /ㅉ/ produced by Daegu and Jeju speakers as a function of dialects, phonation types, gender, age, and the subsequent vowels. The results of the current study revealed that phonation type had a significant effect on spectral variance, showing that /ㅈ/ has larger dispersion of frequency than /ㅉ/, but dialect did not show a significant effect on peak frequency and spectral moments. Spectral peak frequency, center of gravity, and spectral variance could also distinguish affricates followed by different vowels. Gender and age also showed a significant effect on the peak frequency and center of gravity. Especially, a significant difference between the two genders for the young adult group was observed. This suggests that the frontedness of the place of articulation of Korean affricates may be interpreted as a gender marker as well as a mark of the speech of women in their 20's and 30's.

This paper examines the temporal and the spectral characteristics of the two Korean fricatives, /s/ and /s*/ in terms of fricative category, dialect, gender, age, and vowel context by measuring fricative duration and the four spectral moments. The study results show that fricative duration is the only robust cue to differentiate between the two dialects, but the four spectral moments do not play a role in distinguishing between the two dialects. The study indicates significant effects of fricative category and vowel context on the values of the four spectral moments as well as the fricative duration for the two Korean fricatives. Furthermore, among the four spectral moments, spectral mean and skewness show significant differences between age groups and gender groups, and variance is used to distinguish between the two genders. However, kurtosis does not serve as a distinctive cue for the speaker variability.

언간 자료는 다른 문헌 자료와는 구별되는 특징이 많이 있으므로, 그것을 통해 국어 음운사를 연구하기 위해서는 독립된 연구 방법론이 필요하다. 이 글에서는 󰡔義城金氏 鶴峰 宗家 諺簡󰡕을 주요 대상 자료로 삼아 그 방법론을 ‘자료 선정’과 ‘자료 분류’, ‘자료 분석’ 등 세 단계로 나누어 살펴본다. 첫째, 자료 선정 단계에서는 자료의 수량과 각 세대별 발신자의 수도 고려해야 하지만, 무엇보다도 다양한 사회적 변항(‘연령’, ‘세대’, ‘계층’, ‘성별’, ‘수신자와의 관계’, ‘출신지’ 등)이 적절히 통제되는지를 중시해야 한다. 둘째, 자료 분류 단계에서는 선정된 언간 자료를 개별 편지의 상황적 정보량에 따라 분류하여 그중 음운사 연구에 더 적합한 언간을 가려내어야 한다. 여기서 가장 중요한 상황적 정보는 ‘발신자’이며, 그 다음은 ‘작성 시기’이다. 셋째, 자료 분석 단계에서는 실재 시간과 현장 시간 연구 방법을 모두 고려하여 주어진 조건에 따라 알맞게 사용해야 한다. 이 둘을 적절히 조합한다면 국어 음운사 기술은 더욱 정밀해질 것이다.

Since Hangeul letters in the Joseon Dynasty period have various different characteristics from other historical written documents, an independent methodology is required for studying on historical phonology using the letters. Focusing on Uiseong Gimssi Hakbong Jonga Eongan (義城金氏 鶴峰 宗家 諺簡, a bundle of Hangeul letters from the head family of the Uiseong Gim clan), this article proposes the methodology in three aspects: data selection, classification and analysis. Firstly, in order to select an appropriate bundle of letters for historical phonology, the following three conditions must be met: the volume of the bundle is large enough; the number of its senders are sufficient for generalization; and social variables (‘Age,’ ‘Generation,’ ‘Class,’ ‘Gender,’ ‘Relationship with the Recipient’ and ‘Region of Origin’) extracted from the bundle are properly controlled. Secondly, once a bundle of letters is selected, it needs to be classified by degree of importance of two contextual information on every single letter: ‘Sender’ and ‘Date,’ in which the former takes priority over the latter. Lastly, for an in󰠀depth analysis of data, both real and apparent time studies are required since a combination of the two researches can provide a deeper understanding of sound changes.

본고는 중세국어 이래 문헌에 등장하거나 현재 쓰이고 있는 ‘올케’ 관련 표현 및 어휘를 대상으로 그 어원, 의 미, 기능 그리고 형태 및 의미 변화 등의 문제를 종합적으로 고찰하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 여기서 대상으로 삼 은 표현 및 어휘는 ‘오라븨 겨집(>계집), 오라븨 안해, 오라븨 쳐’, ‘오러미, 올집어미, 올쳐, 올계, 올케, 올캐, 언니, 새언니, 올케언니, 오라범댁, 오라버니댁’ 등이다. ‘오라븨 겨집(>계집), 오라븨 안해, 오라븨 쳐’ 등은 ‘올케’에 대한 관계 지시 표현으로 본래 句이지 단어는 아 니다. 그러나 어느 시점에서 한 단어로 굳어진 것으로 추정된다. ‘오러미, 올집어미, 올쳐’는 근대국어 문헌에 보이는데, 당시의 방언이다. ‘오러미’는 ‘어미’에 접두사 ‘올-’이 결합된 어형으로 ‘母의 자격을 갖되 어리고 미 숙한 어미’ 정도로 해석된다. 그리고 ‘올집어미’와 ‘올쳐’는 각기 ‘집어미’와 ‘쳐(妻)’에 접두사 ‘올-’이 결합된 어 형으로 ‘아내이기는 하나 어리고 미숙한 아내’ 정도로 해석된다. ‘올케’는 19세기 말 문헌에 처음 보인다. ‘올케’의 어원은 분명하지 않으나 ‘오라븨계집’에서 줄어든 ‘올계’ 또는 ‘오라븨겨집’에서 줄어든 ‘올겨’에서 온 것일 가능성이 있다. ‘올계’는 ‘올켸’나 ‘올게’를 거쳐 ‘올케’로 변할 수 있고, ‘올겨’는 ‘올켜’나 ‘올게’를 거쳐 ‘올케’로 변할 수 있다. ‘올케’를 가리키는 ‘언니’는 1900년대 문헌에 처음 보인다. 이는 ‘오빠의 아내’에 대한 지칭과 호칭의 기능을 아 울러 갖는다. ‘새언니’는 갓 시집온 올케를 특별히 지시하기 위해, ‘올케언니’는 손위 올케를 대접하기 위해 새 롭게 만든 것이다. ‘새언니’는 1930년대 문헌에, ‘올케언니’는 1960년대 문헌에 처음 보인다. ‘오라범댁’과 ‘오라 버니댁’은 각기 ‘오라범’과 ‘오라버니’에 접미사 ‘-댁(宅)’이 결합된 어형이다. 이들은 20세기 이후 문헌에 나타 나며, 지금 ‘오빠의 아내’에 대한 지칭으로 쓰인다.

This thesis is to trace ‘올케’(a sister-in-law, who is a wife of brother)-related words, which appeared in the middle age literatures and are still used these days, to its etymology, meaning, form changes, and meaning changes. The ‘올케’-related words and expressions studied in this thesis are ‘오라븨 겨집(>계집), 오라븨 안해, 오라븨 쳐’, ‘오러미, 올집어미, 올쳐, 올계, 올캐, 올케, 언니, 새언니, 올케언니, 오 라범댁, 오라버니댁’. The words ‘오라븨 겨집(>계집), 오라븨 안해, and 오라븨 쳐’ were to express a relative demonstrative noun of ‘올케’, hence, they were not words but phrases originally. Then, it is assumed that the phrases were reduced into one word. The words ‘오러미, 올집어미, and 올쳐’ were found in modern Korean literatures and they were just dialects at those times. The word ‘오러미’ was a combination form of ‘어미’(mother) and ‘올-’, the prefix and it means ‘an immature mother who is qualified as a mother but young and inexperienced’. Each ‘올집어미’ and ‘올쳐’ is a mixed form of ‘집어미’(a housewife) and ‘쳐(妻)’(a wife) combined with ‘올-’, the prefix, and these titles are for calling ‘a wife who is young and inexperienced’. The word ‘올케’ was found at first in the late 19th century literatures. The etymology word of it is not clear but it is possible to assume that it was from ‘올계’ and ‘올겨’ each, which were reduced forms of ‘오라븨계 집’ or ‘오라븨겨집’. The word ‘올계’ became ‘올켸’ or ‘올게’, and then ‘올케’ finally, and the ‘올겨’ became ‘ 올켜’ or ‘올게’ and then ‘올케’ finally. The title ‘언니’, which is for calling ‘올케’ appeared at first in 1900s literatures. It is for calling and designating ‘a wife of brother’. The word ‘새언니’ is to refer to a sister-in-law, who is a newly married woman and ‘올케언니’ is to refer to a sister-in-law, who is elder and it represents a respect to her. The ‘새 언니’ appeared at first in the 1930s literatures and the ‘올케언니’ appeared at first in the 1960s literatures. Each word ‘오라범댁’ and ‘오라버니댁’ is a mixed form of ‘오라범’ or ‘오라버니’ and ‘-댁(宅)’(a wife of a person), the prefix. They appear in the literatures from the 20th century, and these titles are for calling ‘a wife of elder brother’ now.

This paper aims to classify diverse aspects of retranslation and examine its motives and causes. To this end, this study analyzes Pearl Buck’s The Good Earth and 19 Korean translations. In general, a number of factors trigger retranslation: changes in the society, culture, language, copyright, censorship, and so forth. Some oppose to retranslation on grounds that translations which are temporally close to the original work better reflect the language and spirit of the source text. In most cases, however, the need for retranslation increases with the lapse of time, as most target text readers face difficulty in filling the temporal gap. Due to such reasons, retranslation is naturally carried out in almost every country. In Korea, western literary works were translated and retranslated into Korean with exceptional frequency not only because of such general causes and motives: retranslation in Korea is primarily attributable to the changes in the Korean Language Regulations and to the movement towards using pure Korean words after a long-standing tradition of using Chinese characters and Sino-Korean words. Of course, general agents of retranslation, such as changes in word preference and book size also gave rise to retranslation. The author hopes this research will contribute to the debates on retranslation and trigger the retranslation of existing works.

In general it is said that the starting point of present-day Korean is the threshold of 20th century. It seems that there are many criteria drawing a line between the modern Korean and present-day Korean. But as to the phonological area, features distinguishing present-day Korean from modern Korean have not been presented sufficiently. The monophthongization of ‘oy, uy’ is the most characteristic change, but less important. The method for the historical phonology of present-day Korean is different from that of the earlier period of Korean. For example, the records of documents is the most important in the study of middle Korean or modern Korean. But it is no longer valid for the present-day Korean. In contrast with earlier Korean, the field work of dialects are the core in the present-day Korean. In addition, language norm affects phonological changes more vigorously.

This study explores the use of tone in the speech of speakers who were born in North Kyungsang and moved to Seoul after the age of 20 and that of speakers who were born in Seoul and moved to North Kyungsang as an adult. Specifically, this study examines whether mobile speakers produce North Kyungsang Korean tones in any of the three contexts: Reading passage, word list, and minimal pair. Moreover, this study investigates whether extralinguistic factors such as gender, length of stay in a new region, and attitude towards the first dialect and second dialect affect the acquisition of the new dialect feature. The results show that the majority of speakers from North Kyungsang show evidence of having acquired the Seoul Korean accent pattern in all of the three tasks, while none of the speakers from Seoul shows evidence of having acquired North Kyungsang Korean tones in any contexts.