Earticle

Since Abney’s (1987) Universal DP hypothesis, much research on a nominal structure has proliferated. For example, Bošković (2005) proposed a parameterized DP hypothesis by providing a list of diagnostics to distinguish DP and NP languages. A DP language (article language) has an article, while an NP language (an articleless language) does not have an article. This paper examines one particular diagnostics, namely adjectival LBE in light of data from Korean, an articleless language. Korean patterns with an article language, English, not allowing adjectival LBE. Nevertheless, it allows relative free word order of prenominal elements within a nominal phrase, similar to Serbo-Croatian, an articleless language. In Serbo-Croatian, adjectival LBE is allowed, and adjectives, demonstratives, and possessives show free word order. These facts are attributed to the lack of an article, and thus no DP projection in the language, in contrast to English that projects a DP. This paper shows that the absence of DP is not necessary in accounting for the free order of prenominal elements in Korean, contra Boskovic (2005). The consequence of this suggests that adjectival LBE may not be valid to distinguish DP and NP languages. This consequence is further supported by data from other articleless languages wherein the adjectival LBE is violated just like Korean.

Park, Bum-Sik & Oh, Sei-Rang. 2015. Left Branch Extraction in Multiple Fragments and Its Implications for Island Violations in Korean. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 41-1, 1-18. In this paper, we investigate the restricted distribution of fragments that undergo Left Branch Extraction (LBE). As observed by Park and Kim (2015a), in multiple fragments only the final fragment can be LBEed. We argue that the restricted distribution is observed because LBE induces a PF-effect on the intervening element between the LBEed fragment and the Left Branch Island. In multiple fragments, the non-final LBEed fragment always involves the configuration where the final fragment counts as a surviving intervenor after ellipsis takes place in PF. By contrast, appearing in the final position, the final fragment can be LBEed with the potential intervenors eliminated under ellipsis, giving rise to a repair effect. The analysis partially supports Fox and Lasnik (2003), but not Merchant (2008) or Chomsky (1972), in the sense that certain illegitimate movement has a PF effect on the intervening element. Examining interactions between LBE and relative clause island, we also provide an account for a certain asymmetry regarding the island-(in)sensitivity. (Dongguk University & Gyeongsang National University)

Park, Bum-Sik & Oh, Sei-Rang. 2015. Left Branch Extraction in Multiple Fragments and Its Implications for Island Violations in Korean. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 41-1, 1-18. In this paper, we investigate the restricted distribution of fragments that undergo Left Branch Extraction (LBE). As observed by Park and Kim (2015a), in multiple fragments only the final fragment can be LBEed. We argue that the restricted distribution is observed because LBE induces a PF-effect on the intervening element between the LBEed fragment and the Left Branch Island. In multiple fragments, the non-final LBEed fragment always involves the configuration where the final fragment counts as a surviving intervenor after ellipsis takes place in PF. By contrast, appearing in the final position, the final fragment can be LBEed with the potential intervenors eliminated under ellipsis, giving rise to a repair effect. The analysis partially supports Fox and Lasnik (2003), but not Merchant (2008) or Chomsky (1972), in the sense that certain illegitimate movement has a PF effect on the intervening element. Examining interactions between LBE and relative clause island, we also provide an account for a certain asymmetry regarding the island-(in)sensitivity. (Dongguk University & Gyeongsang National University)

This paper aims to examine the possibility of the Left Branch Extraction (LBE) and the presence/ absence of the Left Branch Condition (LBC) in Korean in relation to Bo?kovi?'s (2005) NP/DP parameter. Based on Bo?kovi?', it is assumed that Korean belongs to NP languages in contrast to DP languages. Extending Choe (2009) and Kim (2011) with a critical review, it is argued that LBE in Korean is basically possible and hence LBC is not operative in spite of the prevalent LBC effects. Evidence comes from the overt movement of null operators by Choe (2009) and the overt movement of lexical operators. A response on grammaticality judgements on the data of lexical operators is provided and the grammaticality seems to be marginal with a wide range of speaker variation. However, the marginality in grammaticality shows a sharp contrast to English data which are completely ungrammatical belonging to DP languages. Based on the improvement of data with heavy syllable and stress followed by a pause, I propose that LBE in Korean is motivated by the focus feature and constrained by the weight of prosody. Furthermore, I suggest that LBE in Korean is allowed as long as an association could be made between the fronted elements and the host noun by prosody while the association is made by agreement in SC type languages. The semantic import brought by the focus feature and the movement possibility constrained by the prosodic weight gives an implication that LBE in Korean should be treated involving both syntax-semantics and phonology.

This paper investigates into fragment and truncated cleft (or subjectless copular verb clause) constructions in Korean by employing the alleged diagnostics of left branch extraction (LBE). We argue that LBE in these two constructions provide compelling evidence that the fragment expression in the former is derived from Move and Delete, but the fragment-like expression in the latter is simply a base-generated predicate that takes the covert subject pro as its subject. To support this argument, we also used other syntactic tests such as tense realization,predication, and the structural restriction on fragmenting/stripping.

This paper investigates the Right-Dislocation Construction (RDC) in Korean. We provide some novel sets of data and discuss how these data could be dealt with by the main approaches to the RDC. The major part of the data is concerned with the multiplicity of appendices (or multiplicity of RDed elements) and the restrictions imposed on their distribution. We discuss the restrictions on the distribution of multiple appendices, focusing on the following three phenomena: Case/postposition-drop, the Clause-Mate Condition effect, and Left-Branch Extraction. It is observed that the distribution of multiple appendices becomes quite restricted when they are interrelated with these phenomena. We show that the restrictions present various argument in favor of the bi-clausal ellipsis approach to the RDC. Finally, we address the issue of island-(in)sensitivity in the RDC and their implications.

According to Bo?kovi?’s(2008, 2010a, 2010b) NP/DP parameter, DP languages obey the Left Branch Condition(LBC) whereas NP languages do not. English, for example obeys LBC but Serbo-Croation(SC) and Russian, which are NP languages, allow left branch extraction(LBE). Korean, which is also allegedly an NP language, however, does not allow LBE. This is unexpected to Bo?kovi?(2008, 2010a, 2010b) since his theory predicts that Korean, as an NP language, would rule in LBE examples for Korean has no LBC in effect. Faced with this problem, this paper pursues the possibility that Korean would still belong to the NP language type but the seeming violation of LBC is due to a failure to satisfy the morphological requirement that Korean adnominals need a host for morphological completion. This analysis is confirmed by the repair by deletion facts of Korean and is further expanded to explain the apparent violations of the Korean morphological requirement, which are reported in Korean right dislocation and left node raising examples.