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유영모는 국가주의적 전쟁과 폭력의 시대를 살면서 안창호·이승훈의 민주적 국민교육독립운동을 계승하여 민주평화사상을 확립했다. 그는 국가의 절대화, 국가의 국민지배를 해체하고 국민을 국가의 우위에 놓고 국민의 주체를 실현하는 민주적 평화를 추구했다. 물질적 가치와 군사주의적 국가의 폭력과 지배에 맞서 생명의 본성과 원리를 실현하는 삶의 평화를 추구했다. 국민의 욕망과 감정을 조작하고 강화하는 국가주의를 벗어나서 맘의 자유와 평화에 이르렀다. 국가주의가 조작하고 조장하는 비이성적 사상·철학·이념의 왜곡과 도착을 비판하고 사상과 철학의 회통과 해방에 이르렀다. 땅의 정복과 지배를 추구한 국가주의를 극복하고 주체와 전체가 함께 실현되고 완성되며 일치되는 하늘의 자유와 평화를 실현하려 하였다. 유영모는 통일보다 귀일을 앞세움으로써 인위적 강제적 통일이 아니라 서로 주체가 해방되고 실현되는 자연스럽고 평화로운 통일을 지향하였다.

본고는 먼저 이선유의 판소리 음악 어법을 ‘古制소리’라는 측면에서 살펴보았다. 俗調라고 불리던 당대의 인기 있는 취향의 소리에서 벗어나 옛 판소리의 전통을 오롯이 간직하던 이선유는 1930년대 초, ‘古制소리’의 인기와 더불어 중앙무대로 진출하고, 다양한 유성기음반 취입에까지 성공하게 된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 특히 ‘古制소리’의 인기는 소위 명창제 유성기 음반 다수 취입과 그 궤를 함께한다. 소위 전아하고 고아한 ‘古制소리’는 판소리 애호의 수준이 높은 상류층에게 주로 인기를 끌었던 것으로 볼 수 있다. 그리고 이러한 소리는 상류층 남성들을 상대하는 기생을 육성하는 권번에서 가르칠 수 있는 판소리의 한 음악어법으로 나름의 가치를 인정받았을 것으로 추측해 볼 수 있다. 이러한 보수적인 이선유의 음악어법은 그의 사설 구성에도 비슷하게 드러나고 있다. 이선유 <춘향가>는 ‘기생 아닌 춘향’이 주로 등장하던, 20세기 前半 춘향가의 변화 양상에서 벗어난 ‘기생 춘향’을 형상화하고 있다. 이러한 ‘기생 춘향’은 상류층 남성에게 철저히 종속될 수 있는 수동적인 여성으로 형상화 되고 있는데, 이는 권번 소리 선생이었던 이선유의 배경과 무관하지 않은 결과이다. 전아한 음악 어법과 수동적이고 종속적인 기생 춘향의 형상은 서로 통하는 부분이 분명하다. 당대를 휩쓸던 속조의 소리가 아닌 고제 소리에, 완벽히 옛날로 되돌아간 전형적인 기생 형상을 가지고 있는 이선유의 <춘향가>는 어떻게 보면 권번에서 가르칠 수 있는 가장 전형적인 <춘향가>의 모습을 구현해 내고 있다고 볼 수 있다.

This study examines Lee Seon-yu’s style from the perspective of gojesori (old-fashioned pansori sound). Lee Seon-yu embraced the entire tradition of an old-fashioned pansori, departing from the version of the pansori popular at that time (known as worldly note), and entered the central arena of pansori and the popular gojesori in the early 1930s. She even successfully recorded her songs through the gramophone. The popularity of gojesori lay particularly in emulating the gramophone records of famous pansori singers of the time. The so-called cozy and elegant gojesori, earning recognition for its value, was popular mainly among upper-class pansori fans and was presumably taught to female entertainers handling upper-class men at Gwonbeon (the facility for fostering and housing such entertainers). This conservative musical style that Lee Seon-yu adopted is similarly visible in the plot of her. Lee Seon-yu’s song Chunhyangga depicts the female entertainer Chunhyang, departing from the pattern established in the first half of the 20th century of not featuring Chunhyang as an entertainer. Lee Seon-yu’s depiction presented the entertainer Chunhyang as a passive woman, thoroughly subject to upper-class men. Lee Seon-yu’s background as a Gwonbeon song teacher is not irrelevant to this depiction. The cozy and elegant musical style and the passive, subordinated image of the entertainer Chunhyang are clearly somewhat related to each other. Lee Seon-yu’s Chunhyangga gojesori embraces the typical entertainer image from an earlier time, instead of the then sweeping worldly note, and it presumably consists of singing the most typical versions of the Chunhyangga that could be taught at Gwonbeon.

본고에서는 兪晩柱의 『欽英』에 기록된 바를 바탕으로 李安中의 청년기를 재구했다. 충청도 단양의 문인 이안중은 23세 되던 1774년, 자신이 쓴 시문을 보이기 위해 서울 창동의 兪漢雋 家를 방문했다. 유한준의 외아들로 당시 20세였던 유만주는 「浪華女兒曲」 등 이국 여성의 목소리로 읊은 그 시문에 깊은 인상을 받았다. 그 이래 이안중은 1786년까지 한 해에 두어 차례 이 집을 방문하여 유만주와 교유했다. 유만주는 詩論이 중심이 된 이안중의 言說 및 그가 낭송하는 자작시를 경청했으며, 또한 『索隱』 등 그의 야담집도 읽고 일기에 면밀히 기록했다. 이에 힘입어, 자작시를 낭송하는 감성 충만한 시인이자, 여성인물의 생애에 관심이 많은 야담작가이며 시의 음악성과 형식의 단련에 비중을 두는 평론가로서 이안중의 다각적 면모에 접근할 수 있었다. 이에 더하여, 이안중의 작품 「雁帝本紀」가 매개가 된 1786년 9월 11일과 9월 19일의 특별한 文會에 대해 검토해 보았다. 그로써 흥미로운 시문을 저술하는 것 이상으로 그것을 낭송하는 데 각별한 재능이 있었던 이안중의 면모를 발견할 수 있었으며, 그 문학적 배경으로 어른거리고 있던 朴趾源의 존재도 확인할 수 있었다. 아울러 모임의 구성원 중 한 사람인 金相任의 신원을 밝히고 그가 박지원의 후배 문인으로 중요하게 거론될 여지가 있다는 단서를 얻은 것도 본고의 성과라 할 만하다.

The purpose of this paper is to portray a portrait of a literary youth in the 18th century Joseon. The young man's name is Yi Ahn-jung and his home is Danyang in Chungcheong Province. In 1774 he visited the house of Yu Han-jun in Seoul, where he showed his poetry and was encouraged. At that time, Yu Man-ju, Yu Han-jun's only son, was impressed by Yi Ahn-jung and his poetry. And Yu Man-ju wrote his diary Heumyeong for the next 13 years and detailed his encounter with Yi. Thanks to the diary Heumyeong, we can reproduce various aspects of a literary youth of Joseon. Yi Ahn-jung, drawn in Heumyeong was a poet who recites poetry that he wrote himself, a prose writer who was interested in the life of female characters, and a critic who considered the form and musicality of poetry as important. I also analyzed the literary gathering of Yi Ahn-jung and his sympathies to appreciate chrysanthemums and to recite poems and prose. Yi and his friends gathered in a garden in Cheongpa-dong, Seoul on lunar September 11, 1786, and gathered at the house of Yu Man-ju’s in Chang-dong on September 19, a few days later. On this occasion, Yi Ahn-jung recited his prose “Life of the Emperor Wild goose” and Yeolhailgi, the China travel sketches of Park Ji-won’s and made a deep impression on the audience. Among the participants was Kim Sang-im, one of the juniors who followed Park Ji-won. He referred to Park Ji-won’s recent works and expressed the influence of Park Ji-won, a literary artist. The diary of Yu Man-ju is a vivid description of a literary gathering in Seoul in the late 18th century, and it helps to understand the situation of Joseon literature and literary youth at that time.

이 글에서는 유의양이 자기의 유배체험을 기록한 《남해문견록》과 《북관노정록》을 대상으로 작품에 제시된 유배체험의 양상과 작가의식을 검토하였다. 18세기 관료문인인 유의양은 영조의 노여움을 사 남해, 아산, 종성으로 해를 이어 유배를 갔는데 남해와 종성의 유배체험을 각각 《남해문견록》과 《북관노정록》을 통해 기록으로 남겼다. 우선 여정이 큰 비중으로 제시된 《북관노정록》의 경우 작자는 자기가 지나는 각각의 장소와 관련된 역사적 사건이나 설화, 한시 작품 등을 제시하는 방식으로 유배지로 향하거나 유람을 하는 여정을 구성하였다. 작자는 여정을 서술하면서 임진왜란과 익조‧도조의 행적을 집중적으로 제시하였으며, 옛사람이 지은 시를 통해 그들이 노래한 경관을 자기 눈으로 직접 확인하기도 하고, 그들의 처지와 감회에 공감하면서 자기의 현재를 돌아보기도 하고, 스스로 시를 지어 자기의 회포를 드러내기도 하였다. 이는 작자가 자기가 지나는 장소들을 역사적이고 문학적인 의미망 속에서 이해하고, 인식하려 했다는 것을 의미한다. 또한 작자는 유배지 지역민들의 삶의 모습과 방식에 주목하여 산물, 장례나 혼례 풍속, 음식, 가옥 구조, 방언 등을 상당히 자세하게 제시하고 있는데 이는 작자가 환경과 상황에 따른 지역민의 삶에 대한 이해를 통해 유배지를 인식하고자 했다는 것을 뜻한다. 한편 작자는 주위 사람들과의 교유와 대화를 중심으로 유배의 일상적 모습을 제시하기도 하고, 가족에 대한 그리움과 걱정을 시로 형상화하거나 토로하면서 유배의 고통을 드러내기도 하고, 유람을 통해 갑갑하고 고통스런 일상에서 벗어나는 모습을 제시하기도 하였다. 이처럼 작자는 역사와 문학을 통해 여정을 구성하고, 지역민의 삶의 모습과 방식을 통해 유배지를 인식하였으며, 유배지 사람들과의 교유와 대화에 관심을 기울이며 유배생활을 제시하였다. 유배체험을 이러한 방식으로 제시한 이유는, 우선 작자가 직접 언급하고 있듯이 작자가 스스로를 벼슬하는 관료로 인식하여 유배지의 지리적 상황과 백성들의 질고를 살피려 했다는 점, 그리고 그가 관료이면서 동시에 문인이기도 했다는 점에서 찾을 수 있다. 또한 유배의 원인이 그리 심각하지 않아 작자가 어느 정도 심적 여유를 가질 수 있었으리라는 점, 작자로서는 내면에 몰두하여 유배의 고통과 마주하기보다는 눈을 밖으로 돌려 여정과 유배지에 관심을 기울이는 것이 다소나마 고통에서 벗어날 수 있는 효과적인 방법일 수 있었다는 점을 그러한 제시 방식을 택한 이유로 아울러 고려할 필요가 있다.

This paper explains how the exile experience and the writer's consciousness were presented in Namhaemungyeonrok and Bukgwannojeongrok, both written by Yu, Eui-yang in the 18th century. He was banished to Namhae island and Jongseong because of the King Yeongjo's anger. The author composed his writings by presenting historic events and tales related to the places he was passing, and by presenting poems as well. It means that the author tried to understand these places through history and literary works. Moreover he presented in detail, the lives of people living in the places of his exile. It shows how he tried to understand and recognize their lives as they themselves did. In addition, focusing on the relationships and conversations with the people from each place, the author described his life in exile. There are some reasons he presented his exile experience in the ways mentioned above. First, he was a government official and a writer. Second, as the reason for his banishment was not very significant, he felt relaxed more or less. Last, by focusing on his journey and the place of his exile, he was able to forget the agony he was facing to some degree.

본고는 김유신(金庾信)의 이야기를 통해 중세 영웅담의 특성을 파악하는 데 초점을 두었다. 김유신을 영웅화하는 전통은 신라시대 김장청(金長淸)으로부터 시작된 것으로 일단 파악이 되는데 그 이전 건국신화의 담론적 전통을 승계하고는 있으나 국가, 가문의 관계성 위에서 호국영웅을 형상화한 것으로 나타난다. 특히 『삼국사기』와 『삼국유사』에 이르면 김부식(金富軾), 일연(一然)의 사유 방식에 따라 유교, 불교적 영웅으로의 분화현상이 일어난다. 다시 말해 유교적 합리주의를 기저에 둔 『삼국사기』에서 김유신은 윤리 도덕적 규범이라 할 오륜(五倫)에 투영시켜 영웅상을 부조한다. 찬술자는 군신유의(君臣有義), 부부유별(夫婦有別), 부자유친(父子有親), 붕우유신(朋友有信)과 대응된 일화를 선별, 배치함으로써 왕, 국가, 가문 등의 관계망에서 영웅의 모습을 부각시킨다. 반면에 『삼국유사』는 현생적 일대기에 머물지 않고 주술사(呪術師)-무장(武將)-천신(天神)으로의 전변을 보여줌으로써 삼생에 걸친 윤회의 전체상이 드러난다. 이는 생을 윤회적 구도로 재단하고 숙명으로 받아들이는 통념과는 다른 차원의 접근이라 할 수 있다. 이를 통해 우리는 『삼국사기』와 『삼국유사』의 김유신 전기가 흥미소에 기울어져 사상성이 약화된 여타 전승물과 달리 유교 혹은 불교 사상적 범주 안에서 나름의 영웅상을 모색했음을 확인하게 된다.

이 논문은 이광수 「유정」의 서사가 어떤 욕망을 가지며 전개되는지를 분석하여 이광수의 텍스트 「유정」이 지향한 바를 규명한 것이다. 「유정」의 서사는 편지의 수신인과 일기 독자의 독서행위와 공감구조로 이루어져 있다. 이 소설의 화자 ‘나’는 최석의 편지를 읽는 수신인으로 공감과 연민이라는 반응을 보이고, 정임의 일기를읽은 최석은 정임에 대한 열정을 키우게 된다. 순임의 편지는 정임과 최석의 사랑이 참사랑임을 승인하는 역할을 하며 이 소설의 독자들도 오해를 풀 수밖에 없는 결과에 도달하도록 한다. 편지와 일기에 대한 독서행위와 공감구조가 크로포트킨의 상호부조론과 만나 유정한 세상에 대한 지향성으로 이어진 것이다. 정임의 전공이 박물학이고, 최석을 비롯한 순임, 정임, 나의 여정이 크로포트킨의 여정과 겹치며, 최석 편지 내용 속 최석의 꿈에 나타난 시베리아 사슴 떼는 이 소설이 상호부조론 위에서 성립하고 있음을 보여준다. 「유정」 서사는 최석이 죽음으로써 조선 민족을 살리는 구도를 취한다. 이광수의 사상적 지반은 모순된 듯 보이지만, 크로포트킨의 상호부조를 통해 조선 민족을 향해 있다.

This paper is to analyze what desire the narrative of the novel Yu-Jeong(warm-heartedness) carries with and identify the idea which the text of Yu-Jeong by Kwangsoo Lee aims for. The narrative of Yu-Jeong consists of reading act and sympathy structure of letter recipients and diary readers. The narrator of this novel, ‘I’, is a recipient of Seok Choi's letter and shows sympathy and compassion. Seok Choi, who read the diary of Cheong-Im, grows his enthusiasm for her. The letter of Soon-Im, daughter of Seok Choi, plays a role to prove that the love of Cheong-Im and Choi is true love. After all, the readers of this novel cannot but resolve their misunderstanding. In this novel, the reading act and sympathy structure of letter recipients and diary readers, conbining with Kropotkin’s theory of mutual assistance, leads to a warm-hearted world. This novel is founded on the theory of mutual assistance from the following points: Cheong-Im’s majoring in natural history, overlapping of Kropotkin’s Siberia travel course with Soon-Im, Cheong-Im, ‘I’, and Seok Choi, the Siberian deer herd featuring in Choi’s dream in the letter from him. The narrative of Yu-Jeong takes a composition to save the Korean nation by way of Choi’s death. In conclusion, The ideological base of Kwangsoo Lee, seeming as contradictory to his nationalism, is oriented to Korean nation by adopting Kropotkin’s theory of mutual assistance.

This article reconstructed the actions of Yu Gil-joon, a thinker and politician of modern Korea, through the Japanese media. Focusing on Yu Gil-joon's studying in Japan and the time of his exile, and introducing Yoo Gil-joon's actions in the viewpoint of the Japanese media, I examined how Yu Gil-joon was portrayed in the gaze of the other. Yu Gil-joon pursued ‘modernization’ and ‘civilization’ across Korea, Japan, and the United States, from before and after opening ports in 1876 to the end of 1910, when Korea was forced to merge. Yu Gil-joon has tried to realize his dream world in real politics as an intellectual representing the rehabilitation ideology and a key brain of the Gap-o Reformation(1894-1896). His life was a process of searching for so-called ‘Korean modernity’ in eastern and western, barbaric and civilization, traditional and modern confusion. Involving in directly or indirectly in the major events of modern history, I personally experienced the aspect of ‘hope and frustration’ that Korean society have faced. The Japanese press paid attention to Yu Gil-joon's actions. Yu Gil-joon, who had a ‘deep’ relationship with the Japanese media, was extremely attractive. This perspective was related with Japan's sense of superiority as the most advanced country in the flowering of Asian civilization. That is, Japan was the pioneer of the Asian crisis awareness and the leader who can ingest new knowledge of the West. Furthermore, this was also connected to the ‘aggression theory’ that already civilized Japan civilized Korea. Especially, Japanese media paid attention to Yu Gil-joon in the process of the Gap-o reformation. A series of reformist politics was defined as ‘Yu Gil-joon politics.’ This is probably due to the high interest in how Japan's study would be unfolded in Korea. However, Yu Gil-joon politics was frustrated with the change of East Asian situation surrounding Korea. His exile to Japan was not a frustration of reform that Yoo Gil-joon sought, but a choice for contemplating concrete ways of promoting reform. At that time, Yu Gil-joon not only pursued unconditional follow-up to Japan, but also sought a possibility of independent modernization ‘by Korean people’. Yu Gil-joon's consciousness system could not escape from ‘the category of Japan’ basically. Yu Gil-joon's human network was mainly concentrated on Japan. Japan also, like Yu Gil-joon, had no choice but to pursue the Chosun policy through people who had a ‘good feeling’ for Japan. In short, Yu Gil-joon's studying in Japan and his exile can be regarded as a reflection of the failure and success of Japan's Chosun policy complexly.

This paper analyzes and examines the translations of humorous elements in Korean modern short stories, ‘Spring, Spring’ and ‘The Camelias’. This study categorized humorous elements into total of three according to language variation: slangs, personal dialect and onomatopoeia. These aesthetic elements by oral narration represent the writer's stylistic features. The three elements are deeply embedded in the source culture and it is hard to find a target language variant with a similar expressive function. The expressive functions of slangs, personal dialect and onomatopoeia tend to be lessened to some extent or completely missing in the target texts. It is because such expressions in the original are often generalized, paraphrased, or omitted with the different system of language variation, resulting in the change in humor effects in translated texts. Therefore, in translating humorous works, translators should try to compensate for the omission and generalization in other parts of the text by adding new rhetorical expressions.

Qin Tao-yu(zi Zhong-ming), a poet of the Late Tang, was called a native of Changan or Tongzhou Heyang(Shanxi Province). But according to a his poem called “Expressing my emotion in Changan”, it is almost certain that he is a native of Hunan or area near the Xiang River. It's estimated that he was born in Emperor Wuzong's Huichang era(840-845) and died in Emperor Xizong’s Guangqi era(885-888). Qin Tao-yu passed the jin-shi examination in 882 by special grant from Emperor Xizong. Before his passing the examination, At first, he engaged upon his restless troubles, seeking the social connections necessary to gain a public recognition and high rank, but later became a government official on eunuchs‘s coattails; after his passing, he held various provincial and capital posts. His own personal situation and the confusing backdrop of the Late Tang had made a great influence on his writing poems. This thesis aims to analyze the theme of his poetry. Qin Tao-yu's 37extant poems, most of which consist of the regulated forms, especially heptasyllabic regulated verse, can be divided into three groups. His prominent theme expressed is accusation of corruption or extravagance of the ruling class. The next comes his complaints about having talent but no opportunity to use it, mostly due to his repeated failures in the jin-shi exam. In addition, he described the romantic love and the spring scenery, such as flower. Qin Tao-yu was called a realist or aestheticist of writing in the Late-Tang by some reviewers. Besides having realistic and aesthetic sides, Qin Tao-yu's poetry show various poetic styles which were embodied in the Late Tang’s poetry. In this regard, I think that Qin Tao-yu's poetry can be called a miniature of the Late Tang poetic style

“East-West recognition” for a language and the thought of Lin Yutang are inclined to Chinese culture (including the severe criticism to own country culture) and insist on an advantage of China throughout. For example, he emphasizes advance of Chinese by Chinese and English comparison, and declares greatness of the Confucianism and Taoism of the Chinese thought, and the Chinese “humor” that a Westerner thinks about for negative most (misunderstanding for China) can guess that it is deep-rooted from what he insists on for the whole China culture. When see it more concretely; under the method called the comparison of East-West languages, because the analytic thought lacked about the concise nature and the concreteness of the thought although Chinese was superior to English, he pointed out difficulty for the Chinese reason of the Western treatise, but he thinks about this cause in conjunction with thought. For example, the scholar of Confucianism thought is educational and does not meet the natural human true character, as for having shown recognition that it was Taoism thought reactionary, to appear in this. It is the opinion of the writer that the verbal explanation should not be made dwarfness by the problem of one person.

This paper aims to search Gil-Jun Yu’s view of korean grammar through arranging contents of his book. So far, many korean researcher have told that Yu had been influenced by Japanese grammar. But their papers did not show which part of Japanese grammar in detail. My research result is 『The Korean Grammar』shows us that his view influenced by several books for Japanese grammar, but his unique thought also show us in writing system of korean character, korean word class and sintax. Thus, Despite his book has some imperfect parts, it deserve honor for the first modern grammar handbook for scholars of nowadays.

As the cultural contents utilization plans of Kim Yu-sin(金庾信 595~673, King Jinpyeong17-King Munmu13), this article is planning to after the restoration of Jaemaejeong(財買井). In points of Truth(Historicity), Originality, Entertainment, and Consistency, this planning is structured down to exhibition, performance, experience, education, and product development etc. Through this planning, celebrating Kim Yu-sin’s spirit and help reinvigorate disappearing custom cultures. Furthermore, using this planning with future high-technology, suggest the possibility about the original and popular Korean wave in Gyeong-ju. And expact that more advanced tourism industry in Gyeong-ju, and local resident will be benefit from these advancements. .

이 소고의 주목적은 네빌(Robert C. Neville)과 다석(多夕) 류영모의 신 이해를 비교 연구하는 것으로, 한편으로는 미국 현대 철학적 신학에 있어 중요한 위치를 차지하는 네빌 신학의 근본이 되는 그의 신론을 논하고, 다른 한편으로는 자기 수양적 영성가로 알려진 류영모의독특한 신 이해를 동아시아 특유의 존재론적 관점에서 살펴볼 것이다. 네빌은 기독교의 전통적 창조 이론인 “무로부터의 창조” (creation ex nihilo) 개념을 빌어 신의 초월성과 내재성을 설명한다. 이런 네빌의신 이해는 유불선(儒佛仙)으로 대표되는 동아시아 종교 사상의 존재론적 신 이해와 유사한 점들이 있다. 류영모의 기독교 신 이해인 “없이 계신 하느님”은 존재와 비존재를 초월하고, 통합하는 개념으로서 네빌과 마찬가지로 신 혹은 절대적실재(the ultimate reality)의 초월성과 내재성을 동시에 내포한다. 특히류영모는 유교의 무극이태극(無極而太極), 절대적 무(無)의 개념으로서의 불교의 공(空)사상, 만물의 근원이자 우주의 원리로서의 도교의 도(道) 등을 통해 자신이 이해한 기독교의 신을 초월적이면서 동시에 현존적인 실재로 설명한다. 한국 기독교의 주류 신학에서는 배제되어있지만, 서양의 종교다원주의 혹은 비교종교학 보다 한 발 앞서 다원주의적 신 이해의 기틀을 마련했다고 평가받는 류영모와 오늘날 종교 간의 대화나 타종교 이해에 있어 중요한 철학적, 신학적 틀을 제공한 네빌의 비교 연구는, 한국적 신학을 모색하고 있는 오늘날 한국 기독교의 상황과 동양의 존재론적 신학에 많은 관심을 보이고 있는 서구 신학 양쪽 모두에 의미가있는 작업이 될 것이다.

陶川 安有商(1857-1929)은 일제 침탈기를 살았던 유학자이다. 그는 自靖의 길을 선택하여 학문을 탐색하고 후학 양성을 목표로 삼아 조국의 광복을 기다렸다. 본고는 自靖 지식인을 탐색하는 근간 일부 지역 학계 연구의 흐름을 반영한 것이다. 그리하여 먼저 구한말 당대인의 시대인식과 처신의 향방을 살펴보았다. 당대 유교지식인들이 외세의존적인 정치를 비판하며 각 지역에서 구국활동을 전개하였다. 도천이 살던 함안의 지역은 한천재 강회을 통해 유학의 도를 계승하고 국운 회복의 때를 기다리자는 노력이 있었다. 이런 과정에서 유학 강회를 활발하게 전개하였다. 도천의 한시는 이런 시대상과 개인의 정취를 반영하고 있다. 먼저 우국과 교유를 눈여겨 볼 필요가 있다. 일제 침탈기라는 시대상은 도천에게는 우국충정을 전제로 한다. 이 때문에 미래에 국권회복과 유학의 부흥을 소망한다. 또 그의 한시는 함안 지역의 유교지식인들과의 교유를 담아냈다. 특히 조정규와 깊은 교분을 보여주고 그 지역의 詩會와 누정 문학의 현장을 섬세하게 묘사하였다. 다음으로 권학이 두드러진다. 그는 교육자의 길을 걸었다. 따라서 그의 시 곳곳에 학문하는 자세나 권학을 노래하고 있다. 또 한편으로는 현실과의 일정한 거리를 두고 자연에서 자락의 정취를 표출했다. 산속의 생활을 생생하게 묘사하거나 자연을 완상하는 환희를 노래했다. 이처럼 안유상의 한시를 통해 구한말 유교지식인들의 자정과 조국 광복을 위한 교육활동을 살펴 볼 수 있었다. 이런 그들의 노력이 조국 광복에 일조할 수 있었던 것이다.

This thesis tries to study on Literature of Yu Shang, Ahn. He lived Japanese colonial era. At that time the intellectual had to select one of three things that was the resist of the Japanese Empire, to exile the another country, to manage oneself. He selected to manage oneself. Through to manage oneself he displayed the activity of education and expected for the independence of his country. The based on the fact his literature had some of characters. First of all it was a patriotic poem. he expressed the injustice of Japanese invasion and loyalty for his country. Second it was an intercourse poems. With his friends using poems, he share in informations and emotional the feeling of solidarity. Expecially he was on intimate terms with Jeong-Gyu, Jo using poems Yu Shang, Ahn praised the whereabouts of Jeong-Gyu, Jo. Third it was a the encouragement of learning. He considered the activity of the encouragement of learning as a patriotism. Because of this efforts he had many students that abide by his teaching. Forth it was a commune with nature. He described a beauty of nature and expressed the joy of living in nature. This activity contributed to the independence of his country. Through his literature in the era of the Japanese Empire we will understand the manage himself of Confucian scholars.

Du Yu was the well-known Spring and Autumn Annals scholar in the 4th century in China. His footnotes of Spring and Autumn Annals was highly estimated as an logical and empirical study, and also a vital step to develop chinese historiography. Since traditional period, however, not a few scholars tried to understand the political background of Du Yu’s academic achievement. From medieval times, his work was acknowledged as the most authoritative work for understanding Spring and Autumn Annals, but at the same time doubts increased over time. Above all Qing dynasty scholars asserted that Du Yu had intentionally distorted the meaning of holy scripture and justified his political treachery. On the other hand, the modern Spring and Autumn Annals scholars usually did not want to consider political situation Du Yu faced. But such biased approaches made the problems to have the historical understanding of Du Yu’s study. This article tried to find some narrative patterns in Du Yu’s footnotes. And by examining those patterns, attempted to describe Du Yu’s political ideals. We could find three patterns; ⑴ the 20 cases for regulations of description.(他皆放此) These cases clarified the Du Yu’s basic viewpoint to analysis the Spring and Autumn Annals and Zuo-Zhuan (左傳). That was about the idea that the meaning of fact in scripture could be found by the inner relations of facts themselves. ⑵ 225 cases for description of cause-and-effect relationships(‘爲 … 傳/張本/起本’). The meaning of inner relations of facts is the casuality of stories in Spring and Autumn Annals. Du Yu thought that Spring and Autumn Annals was a book of history basically, so understanding the development of the story in it would be highly important. ⑶ 108 cases of Du Yu’s brief comments(傳言) on the stories of Zuo-Zhuan. In these comments, Du Yu criticized the unqualified monarchs and emphasized the role of able government officials. Ideologically, the being of monarch is sacred and inviolable, but in reality, there were a lot of incompetent kings. So Du Yu asserted that such pathetic monarchs should get help from the distinguished high ranking officers. In this point of view, the relationship of ruler and the subject was horizontal one, and they shared the same political goal for their state and people. Even though Du Yu’s political thought justified the new dynasty of West-Jin, at the same time it also justified the active political participation of aristocratic officials.

This article examines Yu Hua's novel, The Seventh Day, whichfocuses on an alienated class of nameless people in contemporaryChina and social inequality caused by the gap between the richand the poor. This thesis attempts to analyze their miserable lifeand unfair death based on the code of death and the narration ofmemory. people including Yang Fei who led a miserable life andwere faced with unfair death wander the afterlife aimlessly withoutrest, lacking the money for a burial plot until Liu Mei takes himto the Land of the Unburied. When it comes to the space of death,it is a strategic setting in that the writer can decipher how thingsreally happened without regard to the limitation of time and space. What's more, all the characters he meets are also the dead, whichcould be an excuse to escape from the preemptive censorship of thegovernment especially when the writer criticizes the governmentpolicy and social polarization in contemporary China. Though various kinds of methods of narration have been triedthroughout Yu Hua's novels, Yu Hua has consistently taken ‘death’and ‘equality’ into consideration in his works. This article hence engages four intimately linked realms of inquiries regardingpeople's unfair death under the unequal social structure in thisnovel. First of all, this essay explores the situation where peopleget socially alienated with the application of capitalism in China. Furthermore, this inquiry concentrates on China’s practice of‘backroom politics’ and the dubiosity that Information from themedia is selected or fabricated according to political need, and thenreleased through channels determined by the same considerations. In addition, this study focuses on the violence of government,which leads to the suppression of the people. Last but not least,this study traces the process of the way to dissolve the form oftraditional family and suggest the possibility of creating new kindof family, which could be connected to the place of the Land of theUnburied, community of the people.

20세기 초 중국에서 공자는 ‘철학자 공자’와 ‘유교의 성인 공자’라는 상반된 이미지로 존재했다. 신해혁명 이후 더욱 극심해진 서구열강의 침탈과 위협으로 인해 중국내에서는 유교에 대한 옹호와 비판 여론이 들끓었다. 당시 신지식인들은 공자의 역사적 공헌과 함께 시대적 한계를 명확히 지적하며 공교(孔敎)의 성인 공자가 아닌 철학자 공자를 부각시켰다. 또한 공자와 제자철학이 동등한 입장에서 연구되고 평가되어야 한다고 주장했다. 이러한 시대적 배경에서 임어당은 공자를 성인이 아닌 인간미 넘치는 인물로 묘사했다. 특히 그의 유일한 희곡 『자견남자(子見南子, 1928)』와 영문으로 쓴 산문 『공자의 지혜(The Wisdom of Confucius, 1938)』는 공자의 감성과 유머를 부각시켰다. 임어당의 작품은 1936년 이전과 이후로 구분된다. 전자는 중국에 서양을 알린 시기이고, 후자는 서양에 중국을 알린 시기이다. 따라서 『자견남자』와 『공자의 지혜』는 10년의 간격을 두고 각기 다른 독자들을 대상으로 저술된 작품이라고 말할 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 『자견남자』와 『공자의 지혜』를 중심으로 공자에 대한 임어당의 인식과 묘사를 살펴보고, 1920년대와 1930년대 중국 지식계의 공자와 유학에 대한 평가의 변화, 작품을 둘러싼 중국사회의 반향 등을 검토할 것이다.

In the beginning of the 20th century, there were two opposing images for Confucius. Confucius represented both a philosopher and a saint. After the Chinese revolution, due to pillaging and threats of the western forces, Confucianism was met with both acclaim and criticism. Intellectuals depicted Confucius more as a philosopher than as a saint, highlighting Confucius’ historical legacy and the limitations of the time. Intellectuals during this period believed that other pupils of Confucius should be studied and given same weight as Confucius himself. Against the backdrop of the time, Lin Yu-tang described Confucius not as a holy saint but a character with strong humanity. Especially, in his only drama Confucius Saw Nancy(1928) and The Wisdom of Confucius (1938), Confucius is portrayed as a character full of emotion and humor. This paper focuses on Lin Yu-tang’s representation and description of Confucius by studying his literature, Confucius Saw Nancy and The Wisdom of Confucius. The paper also examine how Chinese intellectuals during this period assessed Confucius and Confucianism differently in 1920s and 1930s.

<해동악부>를 보면,「악고」의 고려가요 배열 순서를 좇아 <동동> 이하 <정과정>에 이르기까지, 「악고」의 고려가요 가화를 바탕으로 창작한 17편의 악부시 작품을 배열하였다. 그리고 맨 끝에「악고」에서 고려노래로 파악하고도 고구려 속악의 위치에 두었던 작품인 <延陽歌>를, 역시 가화를 바탕으로 해 악부시를 창작하여 덧붙였다. 다만 <동동>은, 『고려사』「악지」의 <장생포> 가화를 받아들인「악고」의 <동동> 가화를 수용하여 악부시로 형상화한 작품이다. <해동악부>의 가화를 보면, 『증보문헌비고』「악고」의 작품에 대한 가화와 1) 동일하게 수록한 경우도 있지만, 2) 생략, 3) 단어 대체, 4) 단어 및 구절 대체, 5) 생략과 도치, 6) 생략과 도치 및 단어 추가, 7) 생략과 단어 대체, 8) 생략과 구절 대체의 방식으로 「악고」의 번잡한 내용은 생략하고 불충분한 내용은 보완하여 수용 내용의 문맥을 보다 명료히 하였다. 1)․3)․4)․5)․6)에는 1작품, 8)에는 2작품, 2)에는 4작품, 7)에는 7작품이 해당한다. <해동악부>의 시 형식은 이제현의 <소악부>에서 연원한 7언절구 형식을 일관되게 취하고 있다. 시화 양상은 가화를 가감없이 사실 그대로 시화한 11편의 작품들과 가화의 내용에 작자의 창의적 생각을 더해 창작한 7편의 작품들로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 「악지」․「악고」를 거쳐 후대에 전승된 고려가요의 가화가 19세기에도 여전히 생명력을 발휘하여, 이유원 같은 당대 지식인에게까지도 문학적 형상화의 창작적 원천으로 작용하고 있었음을 알 수 있다.

A survey of the musical lyrics related to Goryeo songs that appear in Yi Yu-won’s Haedongakbu shows that the collection presents seventeen musical lyrics created based on the tales of music related to Goryeo songs which were included in Akgo by adopting the arrangement of Goryeo songs in the review. And as for Yeonyangga, a work listed at the end, which was previously categorized as Goguryeo popular music despite its verification as a Goryeo song in Akgo, the tale of music in Akgo was received and lyrics were created based on it. Yet, Dongdong was rendered as lyrics by receiving the tale of music related to Dongdong in Akgo, which received the tale of music related to Jangsaengpo in Akji. A survey of the tales of music in Haedongakbu shows that while 1) they are identical as those appearing in Akgo of Jeungbomunheonbigo, the context for the included contents is further clarified by omitting complex details and complementing insufficient parts of Akgo in such methods as 2) omission, 3) word substitution, 4) word and phrase substitution, 5) omission and inversion, 6) omission, inversion, and addition of words, 7) omission and word substitution, and 8) omission and phrase substitution. One work falls under the category of 1), 2), 3), 4), 5), and 6), and two works fall under the category of 8), while four works belong to 2) and seven works belong to 7). The poetic form shown in Haedongakbu consistently adopts the quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line that originated from Yi Je-hyeon’s Soakbu. In terms of the aspect of poeticization, they may be divided into eleven pieces that poeticized the literal version of the tales of music and seven pieces that combined the tales of music with the writer’s creative thoughts.

《世說新語》里可以發現如今電視里看到的狂熱迷(fandom)類似的現像; 以潘岳和衛玠爲代表的紅人和模倣他們的狂熱迷就是。漢末魏晉之際, 因蔓延的談論文化而産生出來的‘名士’主導談論文化。由漢末淸流名士至於魏晉淸談名士皆積極的創造改變社會文化的動因。狂熱迷現象平常發生在大衆文化, 它持有把自己的愛好和選擇差別於別人的傾向, 也具有脫固定觀念或反社會的思考, 倂他們之間有同質的集團意識。這種特徵和魏晉淸談文化有點相似; 就是借着名士崇拜和模倣, 名士的放達行爲成爲文本, 再成爲文化記號, 以此産生另一種新文化的過程類似於如今發生的狂熱迷現像。本論文着想於這一點探究魏晉和現代大衆文化的狂熱迷現像有什麽差別, 以及它的特徵和類似性, 以此窺見它所具有的社會文化的意義。

Yu Kil-chun(1856~1914) was a famous and prominent reformist in the late 19th century Joseon-Korea. Because he wrote lots of books and articles, many scholars have been studied his thought in the field of Korean history, politics, literature, etc. In his dead 100 Years in 2014, It is meaningful to re-examine the situation of Yuh Kil-jun Studies. This article review his life and historiography of Yuh Kil-jun Studies. It was the significant momentum to publish Yu Kil-chun Chonseo(Yu Kil-chun Works) in 1971. After the publication every decade had its own key characteristic, however it is considered that the current achievement is stagnant. So, this article suggest two kind of assignments for progress of Yu Kil-chun Studies, in the point of material and methodology. About the material, First, as the basic task, it is asked to translate and note the annotation in relation with the historical background. Second, we need to publish documents relating to Yu Kil-chun. For example, It would include domestic and foreign newspaper which is relevant to Yu Kil-chun. About the methodology, First, I recommend the comparative studies which focused on Yu Kil-chun and other political figures in the late 19th century Joseon-Korea. Second, it is necessary to perform more detailed studies about his social and human networks. There is New Materials of Yu Kil-chun, in Museum of Korea University, which contains the materials about his enlightenment, education, economic activities from 1907 to 1914. We are expecting new momentum in Yu Kil-chun Studies by the materials.