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This article was written to study on the aspects of the Yu-Wuling(于武陵)’s poetry. Yu-Wuling ***one of the poets of Middle Tang Dynasty. There are a few articles on Yu-Wuling’s poems by now, but his poems have important content which can show distinct feature and style of Middle Tang Dynasty. The aspects of Yu-Wuling’s poetry can be summarized as that : The first, Yu-Wuling’s poetry basically contained the sense of sorrow about social aspect of Middle Tang Dynasty and his own life story. In many part of his poem, he expressed his feelings of sadness, and the feeling make his poem melancholy style. There’s a pathos in his poems which he never lets slide into sentimentality. The second, Yu-Wuling have expressed rich emotion about his friendship by using forthright vocabulary in his poem. That also means he have the intense friendship and aspirations toward people. Forthright vocabulary can provide truthful and emotional spray, so he can pursued more clear and fresh style in his Poetry. The third, Yu-Wuling’s landscape poetry have clear and fresh style, but in the features of landscape poetry, that also contains inner world in his poetry. Most of poets of Middle Tang Dynasty experienced suffering life which comes from political environment, and Qian-Qi’s government process was not very successful, so his landscape poetry was also a part of the expression of his life, that the expression can be offered his landscape poetry have some of Quiet, Delicacy, Lonesome styles.

This paper studies the aspects which have been accommodated in this novel Yu Hua in Korea. Among the Chinese modern novel published in Korea and analyze the reasons novel Yu Hua are the most popular. Yu Hua has achieved sustained response during more than 10 years from our readers in Korea. Korea's culture and the acquaintance with the artists is one of the reasons. South Korea is one of frequently visited by readers and also familiar reasons. But his popularity is more than what can be found in the epic qualities inherent in his novels. His novels adds to the weight of historical reality in the form of capacity of feature-length narrative. Military dictatorship and after a workout Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution and galaxies The past Korea industrialization The past is similar to the modern history of China reform and opening up. Yu Hua novel by harmony of modern and contemporary history of China going to suggest Inc. family as Mississauga is finally build own unique narrative. Yu Hua popular in the publishing market in South Korea can be found in the grounds of universality, surpassing a Chinese specialty. 『活着』, 『許三觀賣血記』 the family of the Passion through the struggle for the fulfillment of destiny and lack of survival saga finally anneunda calmly pulled the sufferings of the Chinese history. 『兄弟』 and 『第七日』 was represented a departure from the mundane and the transcendent from the earth. These works express the consciousness of the contemporary history of discord openly. Yu Hua is expressed in the form of Chinese modern history, family history of suffering. History was thus that the two approaches are two aspects of engagement and discord.

Bai Yu Jing is the representative text of the Middle Chinese. It reflects the colloquiality of the Chinese period of Nan-Bei Dynasties. I have studied Adverbs of Bai Yu Jing. Bai Yu Jing has over 200 adverbs. It includes ‘scope’, ‘time’, ‘addition’, ‘relation’, ‘intensifier’, ‘negative’, ‘demonstrative’, ‘manner’. Among them, 130 adverbs descend from the Ancient Chinese, and 72 adverbs have been created in the period of Middle Chinese. In spite of this situation, there were much more adverbs of the Ancient Chinese in Bai Yu Jing. Most of all, the biliteral words have arisen in the period of Middle Chinese, and Part of this adverbs have created through the method of compound word, that is the combination of two synonyms. The suffix is the other method of creating adverbs, and these suffixes include ‘~zi’, ‘~fu’, ‘~er’. Bai-Yu-Jing is the Buddhist scriptures, therefore, it has 4 words rhythm, and it is relevant to the development of the biliteral words in Chinese language.

The purpose of this paper is to study the inner world of Yu Chi-Hwan reflected by all his poetry focusing on placeness. Understanding the placeness and the meaning prominently contained in Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry and establishing his unique inner world as well as its structure will be an important work for ascertaining his poem world. In order to achieve this purpose, place theory proposed by Edward Relph was quoted. The meanings described below was obtained by analyzing placeness of Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry which is divided broadly into placeness of Tongyeong symbol and placeness of Manchuria. The first one is the placeness and the meaning of Tongyeong symbol. Yu Chi-Hwan often uses Tongyeong(hometown) as compact symbol of archetypal place. Once again, Tongyeong is symbolized by sea. The replaced place method that brings sea to mind from completely different places proves that the place identity for Tongyeong operates unconsciously in the inner side of the poet. The archetypal place which is accepted as real sense of place in the inner side of the poet works as criterion for judging self-identity according to whether he is placed inside sea or not. Also, Tongyeong connotes hometown as birth place and appears as symbol of place showing desire for return to ideal world. The placeness of Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry is composed of binary oppositions as its basic structure and this is utilized as a poetic device to highlight the semantic content of ideal world. As being placed into deeper inside of sea, the method of using much bigger echo of inner self is taken, whereas the characteristic that poetical topics such as sadness, loneliness, futility and so on become weaker is apparent. The poet’s feeling enters more perfect inside, more excessive situation is shown. This is because the inner side of Yu Chi-Hwan tries to unify or equate it with place. The second one is the placeness and the meaning of Manchuria symbol. In Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry Manchuria(place away from home) is typical place representing loss of place. Once again, Manchuria is symbolized by wilderness. The wilderness acts as a place cracking the life of stranger who cannot put down roots and causing anxiety. The poet likes to use a method substituting place image of wilderness with that of sea in order to reveal the meaning of wilderness. While sea is the place permeating unconsciously the inner side of Yu Chi-Hwan, wilderness shows the feature revealing its real intention through discrimination with Tongyeong. Also, Manchuria is the place where the lack of existence is felt keenly as the place of escape. The fact that wilderness commands escape shows that Yu Chi-Hwan recognizes Manchuria as a repressive place or a prison. It can be said that the surface meaning of escape involves dash for hometown, whereas the deep meaning is power making him oriented towards existence by feeling keenly the lack of existence. This study on the place has great significance and value in the view point of reinterpreting Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry. It may be added that approaching Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry with various methods through interdisciplinary convergence is necessary.

清朝时期, 由于统治阶段自身的需要, 制造关羽的神性, 并通过立庙设祀, 把关羽信仰灌输到市民百姓中去。无论从祭祀的规模和仪式, 关庙创建的范围和数量, 以及信仰和崇拜者的广泛而论, 都表明清朝时期人们对关羽的神化和崇拜已达到空前的程度。通过清皇帝的推波助谰, 所赐封号由侯而帝君而大帝, 祭祀规模由群祀而中祀; 关庙创建的范围由窄而广, 数量由少而多; 关羽成为人神之首, 凡助战斗、治病除灾、佑科举、诛伐叛逆, 无所不能, 具有多方面的神格, 其崇拜和信仰者极为广泛。这些都显示了清朝关羽崇拜已达到历史的最高峰。在其深远影响下, 京剧关公戏呈现出情节动人的剧目和名家演技精彩等态势, 成为清代京剧关公戏的一个极为突出的发展。

본고에서 필자는 『미암일기초』에 수록된 유희춘의 얼녀 방매 명문을 소개하겠다. 이 명문은 유희춘이 작성한 초안으로 문서의 형식 및 기재 요소 등이 모두 갖추어져 있지 않다는 점에서 ‘반쪽 문서’라 할 수 있다. 또 『미암일기초』로 移記되는 과정에서 원문을 잘못 해독하여 오자와 탈자가 적지 않으며 이로 말미암아 문서의 내용이 온전히 파악할 수 없도록 되어 있다. 따라서 필자는 우선 원문과의 대조를 통해 오자와 탈자를 바로잡고 보완해서 문서의 내용을 온전히 파악할 수 있도록 했다. 이어서 『미암일기초』에 나오는 관련 기사 등을 분석해서 얼녀를 사고 판 사람, 문서 작성자, 방매일자 등을 밝혀냈다. 이처럼 문서의 내용을 복원하는 데에는 일종의 모자이크 기법이 동원되었다. 끝으로 복원한 문서를 통해 제기되는 여러 가지 의문점들을 역시 『미암일기초』를 세밀히 분석하여 이 문서가 얼녀를 속량하는 과정에서 명의신탁과 뇌물청탁의 결과로 작성된 사실을 밝혀냈다. 문서의 이면에 도사리고 있는 이와 같은 사실들을 밝혀내는 데에는 숨은 그림 찾기 기법이 동원되었다. 본 연구는 비록 온전하지 않은 ‘반쪽 문서’라도 관련 기록을 면밀히 검토하고 새로운 방법론을 동원해 연구할 경우 이제까지 밝혀지지 않은 사실들을 찾아낼 수 있다는 것을 보여주는 한 사례연구라 할 수 있는데 이를 계기로 고문서를 활용한 연구가 활성화되기 바란다.

In this study, Eolnyeo Bangmae Myeongmun (slave release document for the daughter born from a second wife from the lowest class in the society) written by Yu, Hee Chun included in 『Miam Ilgicho (Daily Document Draft by Miam (= Yu, Hee Chun)』. This famous document is a draft written by Yu, Hee Chun and can be considered as a 'half document' for being lack in the document formation and writing element. Also, during the transfer process to 『Miam Ilgicho』, many error and missing characters were occurred due to misinterpretation on the original text so that complete understanding on the content of document has been impossible. Therefore, the author of this study has corrected the error and missing characters through the comparison with the original text and made the content of document to be fully understandable. Then, by analysing related articles and others included in 『Miam Ilgicho』, ones who bought and sold the 'eolneyo' or the daughter form a female slave, the writer of document and the date of slave release are revealed. To recover the content of document, a kind of mosaic technique is employed. Finally, many questions that have been raised from the recovered document are solved by the fact found through detail analysis of Miam Ilgicho that this document is the result of title trust and bribery during the release process of 'eolnyeo'. To find such fact hidden in the back of document, a skill from hidden object game is used. This study can be considered as on a case showing that, if any incomplete 'half document' is reviewed in detail and studied by employing new methodologies, facts than have been previously unknown can be found. From this study, it is desired that researches utilizing old documents become more active.

There are two sides of love between men and women: one is noble love that makes you to rise above the secular world and ascend to ideal realm, and the other is graceful love that makes you to give birth to a child and live a fruitful life in real world. The love, which Yu-jeong Kim had on his mind was the latter. It is more primitive and practical than the former. There are two types of love that brings salvation to human beings: One is religious love and the other is maternal love. What they have in common is that they are both unconditional. But, the religious love, which is based on afterlife, aspires towards ideal world, while maternal love is about this life. Among the two, the latter was more important to Yu-jeong Kim. He perceived maternal love to be greater than religious love. It is more primitive and practical than religious love. According to his ideas, there are two types of terrestrial love: Jeong情, and the ‘great love’, which he suggested. Yu-jeong Kim suffered depression and was a strict believer of misanthropism, but at the same time he desired to be a part of crowds and live a humane life. A humane life is a life full of jeong情. Jeong情 is what puts together Korean society- a human friendly culture. In this troubled chaos that is current days, the last hope that remains to us human beings is the ‘great love’. The concepts of the ‘great love’ are: First, it is the love towards community, not individuals. Second, the love towards community is more primitive than the love towards individuals. The love towards a community comes before the love towards an individual at this time of individualism. Third, it is the love towards needy grass-roots. Fourth, it is the love on the level of empathy, and not of sympathy and charity. In the end, the ‘great love’ is an expansion of jeong情. Yu-jeong Kim literature should not be appraised as literature full of reminiscence or recollection of old days just because the ‘great love’ is primitive. It is not a regression to the past, but a new discovery. The place where he discovered the ‘great love’ is his hometown of Shillae(currently Kangwondo Chuncheonsi Shindongmyun Jeungli). Peasants in this village had lived in a community that suggested ‘great love’ in their daily lives. He planned to embody this ‘great love’ he discovered in his hometown into his work, but could not. He spent a winter with sleepless nights putting up notes on his wall and getting lost in his thoughts, planning to start working on a new novel late in the next summer. But he passed away on March 29th before the summer came.

‘諒闇’이란 은나라 高宗이 父王의 죽음에 3년 동안 말을 하지 않았고(“三年不言”) 모든 정사를 冢宰에게 위임했다는 故事에서 유래한 말이다. 역사적으로 ‘諒闇’은 별다른 주목을 받지 못하다가 晉 武帝 泰始10년(274) 모후를 위한 태자의 3년상 服喪 문제를 의론하는 자리에서 두예에 의해 새롭게 조명을 받기 시작한다. 두예의 諒闇論의 내용은 두 가지로 요약된다. 첫째, 은나라 고종의 ‘諒闇’은 葬事를 마치면 바로 상복을 벗는 魏晉 이후의 ‘旣葬除服’을 실천한 것으로 해석하였다. 둘째, 諒闇을 하면서 “三年不言”했다는 것은 군주 자신은 信默으로 일관하면서 일체의 정사를 冢宰에게 위임했다는 뜻으로 풀이하였다. 이러한 ‘諒闇’제를 지금 西晉에 회복해야 한다고 두예는 주장하였다. 두예 양암론의 첫 번째인 은나라 고종의 ‘旣葬除服’설은 사실상 역사적 고증이 불가능한 두예의 억설에 불과하여 禮學者들의 의구심을 불러일으켰고, 두 번째의 총재 위임설 또한 국정 공백을 우려한 ‘旣葬除服’의 본래 취지와는 맞지 않는 시대착오적인 발상이라고도 볼 수 있다. 더욱이 西晉은 漢 文帝 이후의 短喪制 특히 曹魏에서 비롯된 ‘旣葬除服’을 國制로 삼고 있었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 두예의 의론은 여러 신하들의 동의를 얻어 무제에게 제출되어 재가를 얻었다. 일각에서는 禮를 위배하고 시세에 영합했다는 비난이 일었지만, 두예는 『左傳』을 비롯한 전적에서 근거를 찾아 自說을 더욱 보강함으로써 ‘諒闇’의 역사적 실재성을 증명하고 이를 바탕으로 諒闇의 당위성을 드러내고자 하였다. 두예의 양암론은 晉 武帝가 부모의 喪에 3년 동안 의식주 생활을 절제한 이른바 ‘心喪’과 비슷하면서도 본질적으로 무제의 ‘心喪’에는 없는 측면을 갖고 있었다. 3년의 거상기간 동안 信默하면서 총재에게 일체의 정사를 위임하는 輔政설이 그것이다. 군주 자신이 親政을 하면서 단순히 의식주만을 절제하는 ‘心喪’과, 군주가 3년 동안 不言하며 일체의 정사를 총재에게 위임하는 ‘諒闇’은 근본적으로 다른 것이다. 두예는 그의 양암론에서 무제의 두 차례에 걸친 ‘心喪’을 은나라 고종의 ‘諒闇’에 비정하는가 하면 고종의 ‘諒闇’을 ‘心喪’의 실천으로 표현하기도 하면서 본질적으로 다른 두 용어를 서로 혼용하는 전략을 통해 “三年不言”의 分을 ‘諒闇’과 ‘心喪’의 名안에 슬쩍 끼워 넣는 데 성공하였다. 그 배후에는 허약한 태자를 위해 미리 輔政의 이론적 기초를 마련해놓으려는 무제의 遠慮가 깔려있다고 생각한다.

Du Yu(222-284) was involved in the argument about the memorial service for parents in 274. At issue was the matter when emperor and prince should remove of mourning clothes and what to do after removal. At that times the royal family followed the existing system ‘the removal of mourning for official affairs just after burial’(旣葬公除). Only Wu-di(武帝) practiced the ‘in-mind mourning(心喪)’ for remaining of three years mourning after removal. Du Yu advocated in that argument two points. First, the mourning system of ‘removal of mourning for official affairs just after burial’ had been an old institution from the Shang(商) peeriod. Second, Gojong(高宗) of Shang had practiced mourning in silence for remaining of three years after removal, and entrusted prime minister with pull power of administration of the state, referred to as ‘liangan(諒闇)’. But some inconsistency were found in historical materials on Du Yu‘s argument and his points of view. Even in one material the content was contradictory to each other. This research is initiated to explain the matter of inconsistency. The best material to indicate clearly Du Yu‘s points of view is the Lizhi (禮志) in Chinese Official Historiography Jinshu (晉書), witch contained Du Yu’s argument in 274. On the basis of the Lizhi I try a new interpretation of related sentences in Du Yu’s Annotation on Spring and Autumn Annals (春秋左傳) and to solve the matter of contradiction. This reserch is carried out as a part of the study on Du Yu’s argument of liangan(諒闇).

이 논문에서는 두예 춘추학에서 가장 논란이 많았던 두 가지 문제인 ‘諒闇短喪制’와 ‘書弑例’에 대한 검토를 통하여 두예 禮論의 특성을 이해하고자 하였다. 그 결과 두예의 禮論은 다음의 세 가지 특성을 갖는다고 보았다. (1) 외형의 제도보다 내적 성실성 (2) 조화로운 국제 관계에 기초한 질서의 이념 (3) 『좌전』텍스트 안에서 논리적 일관성 등이 禮의 기준으로 강조되었다. 諒闇短喪制는 內心의 성실을 강조하여 心喪을 주장하였고, 새로 즉위한 군주가 心喪 기간 중 국가 간 우호 관계를 다질 수 있으며, 『좌전』의 군주 즉위에 관한 서술들과 논리적으로 합치한다는 점에서 禮制로 간주되었다. ‘書弑例’의 경우, 無道한 군주를 시해할 수 있다는 書法은 民本을 지향하는 禮 관념에 부합하는 일이다. 또한 弑害를 기술한 춘추의 서술들과 논리적으로 부합하는 일이기도 하였다. 그런 점에서 書法의 禮가 되었다. 중요한 점은 이와 같은 두예의 禮論이 魏晉 시기의 시대상을 반영한다는 점이다. 漢代의 春秋學에서 보듯 微言大義의 방법으로 경전을 곡해하여 一統의 천하관을 도출한 것이 아니라, 엄격한 경전 해석 위에서 새로운 천하의 질서 이념을 논리적으로 모색하고자 한 것이다. 그와 같은 엄격성과 합리성은 漢代의 학문적 유산에 대한 심각한 반성 위에서 등장한 魏晉시대 학문의 특성을 보여준다.

After the collapse of Han dynasty, the stream of Chinese thought was changed deeply. In West Jin times, the study of li, literally ‘ritual’, an understanding of proper etiquette and social usage, was a important domain of knowledge and a lot of books on li emerged. Du Yu, the famous Spring and Autumn Annals scholar at that time, also considered the li as a important concept to understand the Spring and Autumn Annals, and moreover to imagine the ideal society order and state regime. The purpose of this paper is to examine the compound meaning of Du Yu’s concept of li, by focusing on his two distinct argument. The first thing is about mourning ritual. Most scholars thought that the days of wearing mourning clothes were at least more than 25months, but Du Yu insisted that after the funeral ceremony, the next emperor should take off mourning dress and immediately go back to the daily role of emperor. He argued that the li was not a form but a essence, so the sincerity of mind, diplomatic effort for the international order and practical policies for the people is more important for the ruler. The next thing of Du Yu’s distinct argument is about the rule of writing the assassination. Du Yu thought that if the ruler was a tyrant, his name should be written directly in the record of assassination. As for the tyrant, this writing rule could justified the assassination of the king so that most confucian ideologist could not accept it. But at least in the long history text of Zuozhuan, Du Yu’s argument had no logical contradiction. The findings of these points suggest that Du Yu’s concept of li has three distinct point. (1) inner faithfulness (2) practical role for the peaceful order and the people (3) logical interpretation of the text. Such features were new way of thinking of li, which distinguished from the Han times intellectual trend.

該文根據李漁的≪閑情偶寄≫內有關戱曲的 結構理論來與公演性提高觀點進行比較. 我考察李漁提示的結構的槪念, 然後探討了有關結構李漁主張的公演性提高的實現方案. 首先李漁的結構論與西洋的plot進行比較過程中. 本硏究者分析了李漁的結構和西洋的plot的槪念后, 找到了相似性和差異性. 我認爲李漁說的結構的槪念和包括範圍比plot寬. 因爲李漁在論及結構時按排情節以外, 還說情節的作法. 我認爲李漁爲了提高戱曲的公演性, 在≪閑情偶寄∙詞曲部≫‘結構第一’項目內主張‘立主腦’‘減頭緖’‘密針線’. 李漁說的主腦不是主題(theme). 主腦是一部戱曲內會引起葛藤的一人一事, 和一般認識的主題完全不一樣. 李漁說的立主腦是在創作戱曲時首先建立領導情節的關鍵事件. 有關主人公方面, 李漁說的一人是有關引起葛藤和解決的中心人物的意思, 不是一般單純的主人公的意思. 按照設立主腦和按排一人一事能實現戱曲情節結構的明確性確立, 結果自然帶來了公演性的提高. 李漁說的減頭緖是展開情節結構上除去不需要的人物及故事. 他說的密針線是按排情節結構時追求上下情節的論理及連繫性及自然性. 我發見西洋追求plot的必然性, 但李漁更重視結構的自然性. 通過‘立主腦’‘減頭緖’‘密針線’的方法來實現情節結構的明確性及論理性, 幇觀衆容易理解戱曲的內容而且提高戱曲的公演性.

许多评论家关注余华文学所发表《活着》之後有些新风格的转折。这篇论文也对余华文学的转换要提供有理的解释。余华发表《许三观卖血记》以後没写出小说就写了三年多的散文。其中包括自身读外国文学的经验。我从余华写读书经验的散文中获得到他的文学和创作观念，也得到他怎麽从80年代先锋作家转变成如今又幽默又人道主义的作家的答案。他从外国文学中学会“一種虚伪的形式”和“真实”的重要性。他摈棄了就事论事的寫作态度，他主张那種态度只能导致表面的真实。他说：一種虚伪的形式即使背離现状世界提供的秩序和逻辑，可能让作家接近真实。但是，他并不是摈棄準確的现实感，他却更注重它。他所对卡夫卡的评價，即“用叙述之砖堆砌荒诞的大厦”，也是他自身的创作方法。他文学的最大特點是在準确、精细的现实描写的基楚下创造出異想天开的世界。余华就这種文学观念和创作方法来作为先锋派代表作家之一登上中国80年代文坛的。可他表现出的文学世界是血痕斑斑的暴力、亲属之间的敌对关系、隸属于冷酷命运的奴隸般的人生、被命运愚弄的悖论等殘酷世界。总之，余华是摈棄僵硬的现实主义文学并选择“虚伪的文学”来表达出在文革下过少年期的一代人的恐怖、懷疑、愤怒的內心。关於他转变过程和转变後文学，將下次繼续进行研究。

韩愈〈琴操十首〉是一组极为特殊的古体乐府诗。琴操在古代是和琴曲而演唱的一种文学与音乐相结合的艺术形式，以忧愁为其情感基调，以简约为其修辞特点，具有「不失其操」的道德意涵。从古代到两汉琴操一直是最为受到士大夫的欢迎。后汉末蔡邕编辑了古琴曲解题集《琴操》，收录了古琴曲的本事与歌词。韩愈〈琴操十首〉则蔡邕《琴操》所收录的「十二操」中的十首为拟古对象。他之所以选择琴操，是与其创作旨趣和文学思想有密切关系。以反佛老为终生之命的韩愈不忍心看到举朝为迎佛骨而疯狂局面，于是秉笔上书〈论佛骨表〉，请求宪宗不要迷信外来的佛教。他因此而引起宪宗的大怒，幸而得以免死，但贬为离长安八千里的潮州刺史。为了消解被贬的「不平」感，韩愈有意选择富有儒家色彩的琴操，委婉地表达遭到贬谪的复杂而迫切的心境。韩愈〈琴操十首〉大多因袭原题题解借用原有题旨，充分发挥其精湛的学养，过人的想像力，从中可以看出克服困难坚持信念的自我安慰和肯定，身为罪人的自我反省和孤独感，以及恢复君臣关系的盼望。韩愈〈琴操十首〉不但继承了失传已久的琴操文学传统，而且成功地建立了有别于同时代贬谪文学的崭新典型。

李渔是中国戏剧史上著名的戏曲理论家、剧作家、演出家。他一生以戏曲的创作和公演为职业。他依靠卖文演出交游维持一家的生活。为了养家糊口, 他创作戏曲十分注重观众的的欣赏趣味和接受能力及心理。 所以他特别重示戏曲的通俗性, 结果自然追求戏曲曲文的通俗性。李渔在<<闲情偶寄·词曲部>> <词采第二>中详细论述了曲文的通俗性问题。在戏曲体制上, 曲文是按演员的唱歌来揭示人物思想感情、推动情节发展的。因曲文的难易与否直接影响到观众对戏曲的理解、欣赏和接受, 所以李渔在〈词采第二〉特别强调曲文的＂贵显浅＂来实现通俗性。但曲文是必须按戏曲音律创作的。剧作家按谱填词创作曲文, 曲谱是戏曲音乐结构的定型准则。李渔在<<闲情偶寄·词曲部>>〈音律第三〉中说＂情事新奇百出，文章变化无穷, 总不出谱內刊成之定格＂。从这个意义上说音律成规是保持戏曲本质和特点的稳定因素。在戏曲创作中遵守音律成规就意味着坚持戏曲质的规定性和艺术形式。我认为曲文和音律不能割裂开来，是紧密、有机的统一体。关於追求戏曲曲文的通俗性和音律问题, 我根居<<闲情偶寄·词曲部>>〈音律第三〉探讨了音律的通俗性实现问题。

It is the theory of dual cutting system(兩截體制) that attracts special attention in the theory of diplomacy in Yu Gil-chun(兪吉濬)'s early philosophy. As is well-known, Yu's theory of dual cutting system refers to the unique status of the Kingdom of Joseon in that she was a tributary state to the Empire of Qing traditionally while she was a sovereign state in parallel with other states in the world from the perspective of the international law. For just that reason, there have been debates on the side of research history in that we can assess Yu's recognition of Joseon's status from the perspective of the international law based on the theory of dual cutting system. Most of the existing studies on Yu Gil-chun's ‘theory of dual cutting system’ have paid attention to Yu's attitude toward Qing. To put specifically, contradictory claims rushed against Yu's pursuit of ‘independence from Qing.' For example, while the majority of the studies maintain that Yu's claim that ‘a tributary state(贈貢國) is an independent one distinguished from vassal states(屬國)’ meant his pursuit of Joseon's independence from Qing based on the modern international law, other studies also claim that Yu pursued Joseon's independence in a passive fashion with the ‘dual cutting system,’ i.e., a dual system in which the tributary system and the treaty system co-exist. However, despite the debate, all the studies recognize that Yu's argument that ‘a tributary state is an independent one distinguished from vassal states’ was a concept accepted by the international law in the late 19th century. As a result of the examination of Yu's Seo-Yu-Gyeon-Mun(西遊見聞), we can confirm that his theory of dual cutting system was built on O. N. Denny's China and Korea(淸韓論). A strict comparison of the original texts of Elements of International Law(in English) (萬國公法) and Das Moderne Völkerrecht der Civilisirten Staaten als Rechtsbuch Dargestellt(in German) (公法會通), representative international law books at that time, with their Chinese translations has revealed the following problem with Yu's and Denny's theories of international law. For example, treating tributary states(贈貢國) as independent states(獨立國) and vassal states(屬國) as colonies(植民地), both Yu Gil-chun and Denny asserted that Joseon, a tributary state, was an independent state distinguished from vassal states=colonies. However, from the results of the examination of Elements of International Law and Das Moderne Völkerrecht der Civilisirten Staaten als Rechtsbuch Dargestellt, we can tell that the tributary state was a category identical to the vassal state, that states were divided into sovereign(主權) and semi-sovereign(半主權) states based on the existence of sovereignty and the exertion of suzerainty(宗主權), both of which were concepts clearly different from colony. Thus, we can confirm that Yu's and Denny's basic presupposition ‘Joseon=tributary state= independent state' had fatal weaknesses from the perspective of the theory of international law at that time.

Han Yu and Liu Zong Yuan, near contemporaries, were true rivals in Tang prose writing. Among their works, Jinxuejie by Han Yu and Dawen by Liu Zong Yuan are quite similar to each other in form and content as they both draw on Dong Fang Shuo’s Dake’nan and Yang Xong’s Jiechao from the Han Dynasty. Both works take the form of an apology and their sentence composition is structured after Lipolipo. However, in contrast to Liu’s rather formulaic and simplistic Xianlihoupo style, Han You’s Jinxuejie shows the uniquely natural and flowing style of Polipo by combining and reformulating Xianlihoupo and Lipolipo. In the end, in terms of sentence composition style and from the perspective of Zhangfaxue, Han Yu’s avoidance of excessive repetition and overlapping of simplistic compositional style found in Liu Zong Yuan’s writing, and his alternative use of unity and harmony held in balance makes Han’s writing superior to Liu’s. Indeed, Han Yu’s Jinxuejie demonstrates a fine realization of the compositional theory he developed in his Quchenyan.

The Silhak(實學) of Bangyae(磻溪) Yu Hyeong-Weon(柳馨遠) was aiming at reforming Chosun Dynasty in the 17th century by critically applying the ideal principle of Feudal System(封建制). Of course, the purpose that he stressed ‘Sil(實)’, ‘Silyong(實用)’, and ‘Silhak(實學)’ here and there in his book was to remodel the creaky structure of Chosun, not to repair. First of all, his conception started from ‘Pungto-Budong Ron(風土不同論)’, which meant that Chosun was dissimilar from China in many ways(like Land, products, landscape, Prefecture-Country System and so on). Secondly, his conception made a new start from ‘Bubje-Dong Ron(法制同論)’, because he devised Joseon’s Public-Land System(公田制) by critically applying Well-Field System(井田制) which had been made in chinese land system. The reform plan of Bangyae came down to ‘Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家)’, the framework of which erected on the land. Furthermore, he regarded the reform of labor system as the muscle which run the nation, and compared the permanent store to blood vessels which provide the nation with nutrients. At last, he conceived that the nation could be completely built by the newly-organized relationship with ‘Guk(國)’ and ‘Min(民)’, also ‘Sa(士)’ and ‘Min(民)’. Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家) gained control of the private ownership of land which was prevalent at that time, then redistribute the land by status grade from 2 Kyong(頃) to 12 kyoung(頃). He called this land ‘Gongjeon(公田)’, because it could be guaranteed by Konggweon(公券) issued by nation. In Gongjeonje(公田制) Sa(士) could take 12 Kyoung(頃), but its purpose was only to rear professional bureaucracy. Accordingly, Sa(士) could cultivate this land not by Nobi(奴婢) or sharecropping on a fifty-fifty basis, but by employed labour. By ding this, the nation could prevent Sa(士) from dominating the farmers. In the system established like these ways, Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家) could readjust the relationship within Sa(士) and Min(民) by Yangsa(養士) and Yangmin(養民). In other words, Sa(士) took the role of professional bureaucracy and scholar with accepting national support, and Min(民) could cultivate the land in the employment labour system. As a result, the nation could rear both Sa(士) and Min(民), which meant Yangsa(養士) and Yangmin(養民). Only when we comprehend the conception which Bangye suggested by Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家), BangyeSoorok(磻溪隧錄) could be read correctly. The principle of Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家) was superior to the king and Sa(士). Accordingly, not only king but also ‘Sanonggongsang(士農工商)’ should follow the rule, which regulate the newly organized system by division of labour and employment labour system. Though Bangye’s reform was regarded gradual, his goal was to make Gongjeonje-Gukga(公田制國家) by all class’s participating. Also, the society that they made was basically different from the hierarchy society.

『공자개제고(孔子改制考)』는 캉유웨이(康有爲)의 대표적인 저서 중의 하나이다. 이 책은 공자의 유교 창립과 중화 문명의 건설이라는 주제를 주요한 내용으로 다루고 있다. 캉유웨이는 이 주제에 대한 본격적인 논의에 앞서, 상고시대(上古時代)의 역사와 문명을 공자(孔子)와 관계지우는 작업을 먼저 시도하였다. 상고시대에 대한 기록이 불확실하기 때문에 당시에 출현했던 왕조와 찬란한 문명, 그리고 요(堯)⋅순(舜)으로 대표되는 성왕(聖王)들은 그 존재 자체를 의심할 수밖에 없다. 이러한 역사와 문명이 후대에 전해진 것은 모두 공자의 탁고(託古) 때문이다. 즉 공자가 다양한 문화와 제도를 새롭게 만들어 유교라는 하나의 새로운 교단을 만들었고, 그 교단의 권위를 높이고 교세를 확장하기 위해 유교 이론의 발생 시점을 상고시대로 두고, 요⋅순과 같은 성군을 유교 이론의 창시자로 가탁한 것이다. 이러한 일련의 과정 속에서 공자는 중국 고대 문명의 창시자가 되고, 유교의 교설은 곧 중화 문명의 핵심 이론으로 자리매김하게 된다. 이와 같은 상고사에 대한 접근 방법은 첫째, 캉유웨이의 개혁과 변법 운동의 이론적 토대가 되었다는 점, 둘째, 중국 근대 상고사 연구의 페러다임 전환에 결정적 역할을 했다는 점 등에서 학술사적 측면에서 매우 큰 의미를 지닌다. 따라서 향후 캉유웨이의 사상이나 중국 근대 학술계의 담론 연구에 중요한 자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

The reason to devise excellent zhenf?(dispositions of troops) on the ancientbattlefields was thatitwas one ofthe lastmeans to determine victoriesin war.Sozhenf?appearedatthetimeofthecriticalmomentof lifeanddeath. For a while, Yu?ny?ngzhen had been considered different from the ancientB?izhenf?buttheanalysisofitscomposition principlesshowsthat itwasmadebyapplyingB?izhenf?'sprinciples.ThefunctionsofCh?ng(a spear), Heng(balance), Zhou(the axis), F?ng(wind), Yun(cloud) and Youb?ng(adriftingweapon)in B?izhen werealsoappliedtoYu?ny?ngzhen. Namely,Pai(a shield)had Zhou(the axis)'s,Langxi?n(a spearwith some blades)hadHeng(balance)'s,Qi?ng(aspear)hadCh?ng(aspear)'s,D?ng(a trident) had F?ngYun(wind and cloud)'s and Hu?qi?ng(a burning spear)had Youb?ng(a driftingweapon)'sfunctionsand thefightingprinciplethat twolinescooperatecloselywith each otherwasthesamethatQib?ngand Zh?ngb?ngactedin concert.IftheprinciplesofB?izhen andYu?ny?ngzhen were the same,there would be a high chance thatB?izhenf? used by Zh?g?LiangwasnotFangzhen(a squareformation)forthelargearmybut tacticsforthesmallonelikeYu?ny?ngzhen. From these,we could find thatthe principles to composezhenf? were the samethroughouthistory.Accordingly,theprinciplesorganizing battle units,forming zhen,operating Qizh?ng according to attack and defense,changing properly depending on situations and attacking suddenly or shockinglywouldremain unchangedin thefuture.Therefore,liketheway thatQ?jiGu?ngmadeYu?ny?ngzhenusingtheinnerprincipleswithoutbeing obsessed with thefixed outward forms,which ancientssought,ascalling them Fangzhen(asquare),Yuanzhen(acircle)andthelike,ifwestudyon the principles of ancient Zhenf?, we could also search for not a few lessonsforthemodernorfuturebattles.

≪屍語故事≫又名≪魔屍故事≫､≪說不完的故事≫｡ 它是來源於印度≪vetāla-pañca-viṃśati≫的連串民間故事, 廣泛流傳於中國西藏､ 和蒙古地區｡ ≪屍語故事≫藏語叫做≪若鍾≫, 蒙語叫做≪喜地呼爾≫｡ ≪屍語故事≫深受藏蒙人民的喜愛, 在藏族和蒙古族文學史上占有一定地位, 早在1930､ 40 年代, 日本學者就指出, ≪屍語故事≫有滿文譯本｡ 但是, 人們並沒有看到滿文本, 前幾年才在北京故宮博物院圖書館和北京圖書館發現了≪屍語故事≫的滿文譯本. 滿文本≪滿族佛傳故事二十一篇≫的發現, 不僅是研究印度≪僵屍鬼故事≫在世界各地特別是在中國的流傳研究的基本資料, 而且也對研究滿族文化與佛教文化的關系, 以及佛教文化對滿族文化的影響等方面, 有極高的參考價值｡ 同時, 由於以滿文流傳下來的文學作品和民間故事極爲罕見｡