년 - 년
[NRF 연계] 한국동서철학회 동서철학연구 Vol.90 2018.12 pp.169-188
...Yu-Nam-Sang′s view of “the moral doctrine of changes”. The master conducted a study on 『Zhou-Yi』 and 『Zheng-Yi』 during his whole life. Finally he published 『Zhou·Zheng-Yi-kyeong-Hab-Pyeon』. This book isn’t just the combination of two books(classics) to introduce at once. By tying together not only 『Zheng-Yi』 with “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes”(“The way of Heaven” is the first consideration) focused on “Providence of heaven′s Lishu” and “Providence of Hetu·Luoshu” but also 『Zhou-Yi』 with “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes” (“the way of earth” is the first consideration) focused on “Providence of Hexagrams”, the master found out that the contents of the two sacred books eventually turn out to be lectures of 15 saints revealing “Providence of Lishu change about Seon-Hu-Cheon” as “A purpose of Heaven”. From this book, the master illuminated “three propositions” of “The moral doctrine of changes” which are 「“Providence of heaven′s Lishu”」?「“Providence of saint’s genealogy by Lishu”」?「“The learning of saint” is “The moral doctrine of changes”」 through “Providence of the number of the 10 heaven’s Stems and the 12 Earch’s branches”?“Providence of Hetu·Luoshu” and “Providence of Hexagrams”. Ultimately the master found out that “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes” indicates “Providence of Lishu change about Seon-Hu-Cheon”. However, these have not been discussed in academia for more than 2,000 years, and they are very innovative theories in epidemiological history.
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이 논문은 관중 유남상<觀中 柳南相> 선생의 역학관에 관한 것이다. 선생은 평생 『주역』과 『정역』을 연구하여 『주·정역경합편』<『周·正易經合編』>을 저술하였다. 이 책은 단순히 두 경서를 소개하기 위하여 한 권의 책으로 엮어 만든 것이 아니다. ‘천지역수원리(간지도수원리)’<天之曆數原理(干支度數原理)>와 ‘하락상수원리’<河洛象數原理>를 중심으로 역도(천도 위주)를 드러낸 『정역』과 괘효원리를 중심으로 역도(지도․인도 위주)를 표상한 『주역』을 합쳐 묶음으로써 두 경전의 내용이 결국 15성인의 한 말씀으로 천명되는 천의<天意>로서의 선후천역수변화원리<先后天曆數變化原理>임을 밝힌 것이다. 선생은 이 책에서 역학의 삼대 명제인 「천지역수원리」·「역수성통원리」·「성학즉역학원리」<「天之曆數原理」․「曆數聖統原理」·「聖學卽易學原理」>를 간지도수원리와 도서상수원리, 그리고 괘효원리로써 밝히고, 아울러 역도는 궁극적으로 ‘선후천변화원리’임을 나타내고 있다. 그런데 이런 내용들은 맹자 이후 2,000여 년 동안 학계에서 논의되지 않았던 것으로서 역학사에 있어서 무척 획기적인 학설이라 할 수 있다.
This paper is focused on the master Kwan-Jung Yu-Nam-Sang′s view of “the moral doctrine of changes”. The master conducted a study on 『Zhou-Yi』 and 『Zheng-Yi』 during his whole life. Finally he published 『Zhou·Zheng-Yi-kyeong-Hab-Pyeon』. This book isn’t just the combination of two books(classics) to introduce at once. By tying together not only 『Zheng-Yi』 with “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes”(“The way of Heaven” is the first consideration) focused on “Providence of heaven′s Lishu” and “Providence of Hetu·Luoshu” but also 『Zhou-Yi』 with “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes” (“the way of earth” is the first consideration) focused on “Providence of Hexagrams”, the master found out that the contents of the two sacred books eventually turn out to be lectures of 15 saints revealing “Providence of Lishu change about Seon-Hu-Cheon” as “A purpose of Heaven”. From this book, the master illuminated “three propositions” of “The moral doctrine of changes” which are 「“Providence of heaven′s Lishu”」?「“Providence of saint’s genealogy by Lishu”」?「“The learning of saint” is “The moral doctrine of changes”」 through “Providence of the number of the 10 heaven’s Stems and the 12 Earch’s branches”?“Providence of Hetu·Luoshu” and “Providence of Hexagrams”. Ultimately the master found out that “Truth of the moral doctrine of changes” indicates “Providence of Lishu change about Seon-Hu-Cheon”. However, these have not been discussed in academia for more than 2,000 years, and they are very innovative theories in epidemiological history.
[NRF 연계] 성신여자대학교 인문과학연구소 人文科學硏究 Vol.38 2018.08 pp.65-90
...Yu-Jeong is a widely loved author who is well known for his literary work that has a background setting of Gangwondo. However, he also left many other pieces of literary work based on colonial Kyongsong. One of the reasons why his city novels have not received much attention is due to his unique linguistic sense. He used adjectives and adverbs more often than nouns in his writing with an urban background setting, and he preferred to use common nouns rather than proper nouns. As the places’ names were rarely featured in his work, it implied that the characters were not easily assimilated into the space of context. However, Kim Yu-Jeong’s city novels provide geographic information by mentioning one or two times. Sindang-ri, Sajik-dong, and Jongno are the most important places that were featured in his work. Generally, reality effects that are predominantly featured in literature have plenty of proper nouns. Abundant use of proper nouns gives a feeling of showing reality to readers. The literary work of Kim Yu-Jeong offers an impression that it did not reproduce sufficiently the spatiotemporal context compared to other work. However, his unique linguistic sense of using common nouns more than proper nouns is appropriate for portraying the world from Kyongsong’s poor peoples’ point of view. This is because proper nouns are less familiar to urban poor. Limited use of proper nouns from Kim Yu-Jeong’s novel can be a conclusive clue which helps to understand the context of his work.
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김유정은 강원도를 배경으로 한 작품들로 널리 사랑받는 작가이다. 그렇지만 그는 경성을 배경으로 한 작품들도 상당수 남겼다. 그는 고유명사보다는 일반명사를 주로 활용하고 형용사와 부사를 풍부하게 사용하며, 배경에 대한 구체적 묘사 없이 인물의 심리에 집중함으로써 경성의 주변부에서 힘겹게 살아가는 도시 빈민들의 삶을 생생하게 그려냈다. 김유정은 특수한 시대적 맥락을 반영하기보다는 식민지 시기의 빈한한 사람들의 전형적인 삶을 재현하고자 했다. 김유정의 작품에는 고유명사가 제한적으로 등장한다. 그렇기 때문에 역설적으로 그의 작품에서 간혹 등장하는 고유명사나 지명은 다른 작가들의 작품들보다도 훨씬 더 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 그의 작품에서 고유명사의 등장은 그 자체로 하나의 작은 ‘사건’이 된다. 신당리를 배경으로 한 작품으로는 「슬픈 이야기」와 「옥토끼」 등이 있다. 신당리는 경성 동부의 외곽 지대로 묘지와 화장장 등의 시설이 위치했으며, 토막민이나 빈민들이 모여 살던 가난한 곳이었다. 사직동을 배경으로 한 작품으로는 「따라지」와 「생의 반려」 등이 있다. 사직동은 대중교통을 이용하지 않더라도 손쉽게 경성 주요 지역으로 이동할 수 있지만, 가파른 언덕이 있어 오르내리기가 힘들다는 단점도 있었다. 이 일대의 집들은 대부분 초가집이었다. 종로 일대로 한 작품으로는 「두꺼비」, 「생의 반려」, 「야앵」, 「봄과 따라지」 등이 있다. 이곳은 조선인들이 모여드는 번화한 상업지구로 김유정 작품 속에서 자주 등장한다. 그 중에서 「봄과 따라지」는 종로 야시를 배경으로 하여 열 살인 꼬마 ‘따라지’의 시점으로 전개되는 특이한 작품이다. 김유정의 도시소설에서 시도되는 다양한 형식적 실험은 그의 모더니즘 작가로서의 면모를 보여준다.
Kim Yu-Jeong is a widely loved author who is well known for his literary work that has a background setting of Gangwondo. However, he also left many other pieces of literary work based on colonial Kyongsong. One of the reasons why his city novels have not received much attention is due to his unique linguistic sense. He used adjectives and adverbs more often than nouns in his writing with an urban background setting, and he preferred to use common nouns rather than proper nouns. As the places’ names were rarely featured in his work, it implied that the characters were not easily assimilated into the space of context. However, Kim Yu-Jeong’s city novels provide geographic information by mentioning one or two times. Sindang-ri, Sajik-dong, and Jongno are the most important places that were featured in his work. Generally, reality effects that are predominantly featured in literature have plenty of proper nouns. Abundant use of proper nouns gives a feeling of showing reality to readers. The literary work of Kim Yu-Jeong offers an impression that it did not reproduce sufficiently the spatiotemporal context compared to other work. However, his unique linguistic sense of using common nouns more than proper nouns is appropriate for portraying the world from Kyongsong’s poor peoples’ point of view. This is because proper nouns are less familiar to urban poor. Limited use of proper nouns from Kim Yu-Jeong’s novel can be a conclusive clue which helps to understand the context of his work.
[NRF 연계] 한국교회사학회 한국교회사학회지 Vol.49 2018.05 pp.199-236
...Yu, Jaeki. Yu, Jaeki was one of the leaders who directed the rural enlightenment movement during the period after the Japanese colonial age and the era of the organization of the Korean government. Due to these activities, Rev. Yu is known as a Christian nationalist. Rev. Bae, Minsoo and Rev. Choi, Moonshik worked together with Rev. Yu, Jaeki in the rural department of the Korean Presbyterian Church. The fundamental concept of the rural movement of Rev. Bae, Minsoo was the evangelization of the rural area. The fundamental concept of Rev. Choi, Moonshik’s rural movement was the social revolution against capitalism in the rural area. On the other hand, the fundamental concept of the rural movement of Rev. Yu, Jaeki was the establishment of a co-operative movement in each and every church in Korea. Especially, Yu, Jaeki was greatly influenced by Kakawa Toyohiko and Sukiyama Motojiro, two Japanese Christian socialists. Yu, Jaeki was inspired by Kakawa Toyohiko’s cooperative movement and Sukiyama 234 韓國敎史學誌 第49輯(2018) Motojiro’s rural school. They were the models for Yu, Jaeki’s plan. The first step of Yu, Jaeki’s plan was an analysis of the rural areas. The second step was the evangelization of the rural areas. The third step was the establishment of a Christian economic organization. According to his plan, he established a society for agricultural studies. He also established a community village for Christians called Yesuchon (Jesus village). Finally, he established a cooperative movement. Rev. Yu, Jaeki introduced the history of the co-operative movement and the current state of the Korean church. He a rare Christian socialist among the Korean Christian thinkers. He observed that Christian socialism was different from the violent idea of Marxism. Rev. Yu, Jaeki insisted that Christian socialism was a process of achieving social and economic equality through voluntary love and mercy based on Jesus Christ’s teachings. He critized Marxism, the theory of evolution and secularism. He thought that the application of Christian ethics was an alternative to these modern secular ideas. Recently, capitalism has reached it’s limits. The social and political inequality is growing worse in Korea. Yu, Jaeki’s Christian socialism and cooperative movement could be an alternative solution to Korea’s situation.
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This article is a research on the idea of Christian socialism and the co-operative movement of Rev. Yu, Jaeki. Yu, Jaeki was one of the leaders who directed the rural enlightenment movement during the period after the Japanese colonial age and the era of the organization of the Korean government. Due to these activities, Rev. Yu is known as a Christian nationalist. Rev. Bae, Minsoo and Rev. Choi, Moonshik worked together with Rev. Yu, Jaeki in the rural department of the Korean Presbyterian Church. The fundamental concept of the rural movement of Rev. Bae, Minsoo was the evangelization of the rural area. The fundamental concept of Rev. Choi, Moonshik’s rural movement was the social revolution against capitalism in the rural area. On the other hand, the fundamental concept of the rural movement of Rev. Yu, Jaeki was the establishment of a co-operative movement in each and every church in Korea. Especially, Yu, Jaeki was greatly influenced by Kakawa Toyohiko and Sukiyama Motojiro, two Japanese Christian socialists. Yu, Jaeki was inspired by Kakawa Toyohiko’s cooperative movement and Sukiyama 234 韓國敎史學誌 第49輯(2018) Motojiro’s rural school. They were the models for Yu, Jaeki’s plan. The first step of Yu, Jaeki’s plan was an analysis of the rural areas. The second step was the evangelization of the rural areas. The third step was the establishment of a Christian economic organization. According to his plan, he established a society for agricultural studies. He also established a community village for Christians called Yesuchon (Jesus village). Finally, he established a cooperative movement. Rev. Yu, Jaeki introduced the history of the co-operative movement and the current state of the Korean church. He a rare Christian socialist among the Korean Christian thinkers. He observed that Christian socialism was different from the violent idea of Marxism. Rev. Yu, Jaeki insisted that Christian socialism was a process of achieving social and economic equality through voluntary love and mercy based on Jesus Christ’s teachings. He critized Marxism, the theory of evolution and secularism. He thought that the application of Christian ethics was an alternative to these modern secular ideas. Recently, capitalism has reached it’s limits. The social and political inequality is growing worse in Korea. Yu, Jaeki’s Christian socialism and cooperative movement could be an alternative solution to Korea’s situation.
[NRF 연계] 한국사상사학회 한국사상사학 Vol.58 2018.04 pp.1-29
...Yu, a scholar who worked in the first half of the 17th century. Gyegok Jang Yu is a scholar of outstanding academic capacity, who was also active in realistic politics as a high-ranking official. Since at the time, the scholar-gentry class often was biased to either learning or state affairs, a study of Gyegok Jang Yu is a useful work to check how an ideology or thought is implemented in reality. Along with this, it would be possible to check the aspect of how the intellectuals at the time responded to the period of upheaval in the 17th century. The contents of the study can be summarized as follows: First, Gyegok Jang Yu had a broad interest in diverse disciplines and an attitude emphasizing substance. Next, he attached importance to the role of ‘shim (Mind)’ as the principal subject of judgment and practice. He emphasized studies of ‘Jeong-il (Purity)’ for the change of mind to make my mind work right in the reality. This is directly connected to his active argument of ‘Gwondo (Expediency).’ For the execution of the irregularity of political expediency and the active response to changing situations, the mind, its principal agent, should firmly keep its balance. The ability to judge the situation properly and make the best decision should be secured. Based on this, Gyegok Jang Yu perceived his responsibility as a politician and promoted a policy based on political expediency. He did not hesitate to execute political expediency if he could accomplish a concrete achievement and be helpful for the state and people. In short, he can be evaluated as a person who showed an example for realizing an ideology.
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본 논문은 17세기 전반에 활동했던 계곡 장유의 경세론을 분석하였다. 장유는 학문적 역량이 뛰어난 학자일 뿐 아니라, 고위관료로서 현실정치에서도 활약한 인물이다. 사대부들은 학문과 경세 중 어느 한 쪽에 치우쳐있는 경우가 많았기 때문에, 유교사상이 현실에 구현되는 방식을 살펴보기 위해서는 장유와 같은 유형을 연구할 필요가 있다. 더욱이 17세기 전반은 조선의 대표적인 격변기였다는 점에서, 지식인들이 변화를 어떻게 인식하고 거기에 대응하였는지, 그 일면을 확인할 수 있을 것이다. 논문의 내용을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 우선, 장유는 다양한 학문에 대한 폭넓은 관심과 실질을 중시하는 태도를 가지고 있었다. 다음으로, 그는 판단과 실천의 주체로서 심(心)의 역할을 중시했다. 마음의 변화를 위한 ‘정일(精一)’공부를 강조한 것은 나의 마음이 현실에서 올바르게 작동할 수 있도록 만들기 위해서다. 이것은 그가 ‘권도(權道)’를 적극적으로 주장한 것과 직결된다. 권도라는 변칙을 행사하고, 변화하는 상황에 능동적으로 대응하기 위해서는 그 주체가 되는 심이 확고하게 중심을 잡아야 한다. 상황을 올바르게 판단하고 최선의 선택을 내려야 하기 때문이다. 이를 바탕으로, 장유는 정치가로서의 책임을 인식하고 권도에 입각한 정책을 추진했다. 구체적 성과를 낼 수 있고, 국가와 백성에게 도움이 될 수 있다면 권도를 행사하는 것을 주저하지 않았다. 요컨대, 사상을 현실화하는 하나의 모범을 보여주었다고 평가할 수 있다.
This study analyzed the theory of statecraft of Gyegok Jang Yu, a scholar who worked in the first half of the 17th century. Gyegok Jang Yu is a scholar of outstanding academic capacity, who was also active in realistic politics as a high-ranking official. Since at the time, the scholar-gentry class often was biased to either learning or state affairs, a study of Gyegok Jang Yu is a useful work to check how an ideology or thought is implemented in reality. Along with this, it would be possible to check the aspect of how the intellectuals at the time responded to the period of upheaval in the 17th century. The contents of the study can be summarized as follows: First, Gyegok Jang Yu had a broad interest in diverse disciplines and an attitude emphasizing substance. Next, he attached importance to the role of ‘shim (Mind)’ as the principal subject of judgment and practice. He emphasized studies of ‘Jeong-il (Purity)’ for the change of mind to make my mind work right in the reality. This is directly connected to his active argument of ‘Gwondo (Expediency).’ For the execution of the irregularity of political expediency and the active response to changing situations, the mind, its principal agent, should firmly keep its balance. The ability to judge the situation properly and make the best decision should be secured. Based on this, Gyegok Jang Yu perceived his responsibility as a politician and promoted a policy based on political expediency. He did not hesitate to execute political expediency if he could accomplish a concrete achievement and be helpful for the state and people. In short, he can be evaluated as a person who showed an example for realizing an ideology.
차오위의 초기 희곡작품에 나타난 시적 사실주의에 관한 연구
[NRF 연계] 한국중어중문학회 중어중문학 Vol.71 2018.03 pp.3-21
...Yu's poetic realism which consistently appears in his early 4 works: Thunderstorm, Sunrise, Wilderness, and Pekingese. The role of poetic realism is to harmonize poetic inspirations with expressive skills of realism, so that it can deliver maximum impressions to readers and sublimate the life of reality to art. Cao Yu's poetic realism is expressed in his works through rich emotional colors and deep reflections on life. His poetic realism can be found in the forms of deep affections and never ending investigation into spiritual world, survival environments, and the future and the destiny of life as well. His style is particularly noticeable because it makes it possible to transform even shapeless spirit into clear living things with his tender and elaborate touches on inner world of human beings. Cao Yu clearly demonstrates his deep compassion on the loss of human nature, so that he can bringing emotional colors into his works. Moreover, he successfully projects future hopes by establishing characters of unpolished beauty and primitive force of life. All of these features were made possible through his passion on life, longing for noble spirits, deep attachment on pure life, and constant search for the origin of life. His style of poetic realism is deeply absorbed in his early works, thus showing his creative intentions very clear, motivating readers to have shared emotions, and ultimately increasing the quality of his works.
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본고는 차오위의 대표작인 『뇌우』․『일출』․『원야』․『북경인』을 대상으로 작품에서 일관되게 나타나고 있는 시적 사실주의의 표현기법에 대해 분석하였다. 시적 사실주의는 사실주의 표현기법에 시적 감흥을 적절히 조화시켜 작품의 감동을 극대화하고 현실의 삶을 예술로 승화시키는 작용을 한다. 차오위의 시적 사실주의는 농후한 감성적 색채와 더불어 인생에 대한 깊은 성찰이 작품 전반에서 표출되고 있다. 이는 인간의 정신세계와 생존환경 그리고 삶의 미래와 운명에 대한 작가의 깊은 애착과 끊임없는 탐구에서 비롯된 것이다. 차오위는 시적 사실주의라는 그만의 독특한 표현기법으로 인물의 내면세계를 부드러우면서도 세밀하게 다루어 형체도 없는 영혼을 선명한 생명체의 모습으로 드러나게 한다. 또한 인간성의 상실과 그에 대한 아픔을 깊은 연민으로 절절히 표현하여 감성적 색채가 농후해지며 더 나아가 야성의 미와 원시적 생명력을 갖춘 인물의 형상을 구축하여 미래에 대한 희망을 보여준다. 이 모든 것은 작가가 갖고 있는 삶에 대한 불타는 열정과 숭고한 영혼에 대한 동경 그리고 참된 삶에 대한 깊은 애착과 생명의 근원에 대한 끊임없는 탐구에 의해 가능하게 된 것이다. 이처럼 시적 사실주의는 그의 작품 속에 깊이 스며들어 작가의 창작의도를 분명하게 보여주고 독자들의 감성을 자극하여 공감하게 만들어 작품성을 높여준다.
This paper attempts an intensive analysis on Cao Yu's poetic realism which consistently appears in his early 4 works: Thunderstorm, Sunrise, Wilderness, and Pekingese. The role of poetic realism is to harmonize poetic inspirations with expressive skills of realism, so that it can deliver maximum impressions to readers and sublimate the life of reality to art. Cao Yu's poetic realism is expressed in his works through rich emotional colors and deep reflections on life. His poetic realism can be found in the forms of deep affections and never ending investigation into spiritual world, survival environments, and the future and the destiny of life as well. His style is particularly noticeable because it makes it possible to transform even shapeless spirit into clear living things with his tender and elaborate touches on inner world of human beings. Cao Yu clearly demonstrates his deep compassion on the loss of human nature, so that he can bringing emotional colors into his works. Moreover, he successfully projects future hopes by establishing characters of unpolished beauty and primitive force of life. All of these features were made possible through his passion on life, longing for noble spirits, deep attachment on pure life, and constant search for the origin of life. His style of poetic realism is deeply absorbed in his early works, thus showing his creative intentions very clear, motivating readers to have shared emotions, and ultimately increasing the quality of his works.
[NRF 연계] 동방한문학회 동방한문학 Vol.72 2017.09 pp.259-294
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본고는 구한말 민족 구국운동의 핵심 지도자의 한 사람인 성재 유중교의 생애와 문학관을 살펴보고, 이를 基肥로 하여 그의 문학세계를 살펴보았다. 省齋 柳重敎는 초명이 孟敎이고, 자가 穉程이며, 호는 省齋․東岳이고, 시호는 文簡이며, 본관은 고흥이다. 그가 살았던 19세기는 내우외환에 시달리던 시기였다. 그는 스승인 화서 이항로와 다르게 心을 氣라고 인식하였기 때문에 현실인식과 대처 방안에도 스승보다 좀 더 유연한 자세를 가졌다. 그래서 그는 洋倭에 擧義討賊할 수 없는 현실을 인정하고 뒷날을 도모하기 위해 가평, 춘천, 제천 등지로 장소를 옮겨가며 柳麟錫 등 의병장을 양성하여 의병운동의 중심역할을 하게 하였다. 省齋는 도학자답게 전통적인 유가문학관을 고수하여 시는 성정을 기르고 풍속을 교화하는 수단으로 보았다. 나아가 그는 우리말 시가를 매우 긍정적으로 보았으며, 본인이 손수 우리말 시가를 지어서 교육에 활용하기도 하였다. 그는 학문과 강학의 여가에 다양한 유학관련 저서, 음악관련 저서, 역사관련 저서 등을 지었다. 그의 문집인 『省齋集』에는 詩가 99題 135首가 있다. 그가 지은 시는 학문에 대한 의지, 의리 수호의 의지, 자연에 귀의하여 살면서 후학을 양성하겠다는 自靖의 의지 등이 중심 내용이다. 그러나 이에 대한 내용은 선행 논문에서 분석하였기 때문에 본고에서는 이를 제외하고 先賢들의 유허지를 찾아 그들의 업적을 포양한 시, 동학들과의 교유시, 생활공간의 命名을 통해 자기화하여 수양 공간으로 삼은 시를 살펴보았다. 첫째, 선현들을 포양한 시는 그 자신이 趙光祖, 許格 등 선현의 포양을 통해 자기화하여 자신의 삶의 지남으로 삼거나 후학들을 지도하는데 표준으로 삼고자 한 것이다. 둘째, 동학들과의 교유시는 그가 화서의 문하에서 동문수학한 인물들과의 교유를 통해 사도의 수호하고자 하는 의지와 학문을 연마하고 인격의 수양과 이를 권면하고자 하는 의지를 드러낸 것이다. 셋째, 생활공간의 승경화한 시는 그가 학문과 강학의 여가에 자신이 살고 있는 주변의 이름이 없는 공간을 命名하고 의미를 부여 자기화하여 자신의 학문과 인격의 수양처로 삼은 것을 드러낸 것이다. 앞으로 연구과제는 성재의 시세계에서 살펴보지 못한 일상생활과 관련된 시, 가족간의 정회의 감정을 드러낸 시 등과 문학사적 의의 등에 대한 연구는 후일의 과제로 남긴다.
[NRF 연계] 중국어문논역학회 중국어문논역총간 Vol.41 2017.07 pp.277-299
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본고는 羅联添이 1992년에 발표한 <論韓愈古文幾個問題>의 제4장 “韓愈와 柳宗元이 고문으로 서로 경쟁함(韓柳爲文相角)” 부분을 번역한 것이다. 한유와 유종원의 글이 유사하다거나 경쟁적이라는 견해는 예전부터 있어왔다. 이런 주장은 송대의 羅大經, 명대의 孫礦, 청대의 林云銘, 근대의 錢基博이 제기한 바 있다. 필자는 한유와 유종원의 작문 경쟁에 대한 이전의 정황을 검토하고, 이전에 언급되지 않았던 다른 작품들을 예로 들어 한유와 유종원의 글쓰기에 확실히 경쟁심리가 있었음을 증명하였다. 즉 한유와 유종원의 작품 가운데 서로의 작품을 의식하면서 경쟁적으로 쓴 29조의 작품을 예로 들며, 창작 연대와 주요 내용을 설명하고 그 증거를 제시하였다. 경쟁했던 작품을 종합해 보니 두 사람의 작품 중 시기를 확정할 수 있는 작품 가운데 한유가 유종원 보다 앞서 지은 작품이 월등히 많았다. 이로써 유종원이 고문 창작에 있어 한유와 경쟁하려는 의도가 많았고, 한유가 유종원과 경쟁하려 한 것은 적었음을 알 수 있다. 이 점은 또한 한유가 고문 창작에서 주도적인 지위를 차지하고 있었음을 분명히 보여준다. 후인들이 한유를 당송고문운동의 으뜸으로 추앙하는 데에는 그만한 까닭이 있는 것이다.
[NRF 연계] 우리한문학회 漢文學報 Vol.36 2017.06 pp.167-184
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[NRF 연계] 중국학연구회 중국학연구 Vol.80 2017.05 pp.3-24
...Yu-ru, the three Chinese poets are considered the greatest female poets during the Song Dynasty in Chinese history. There have been a lot of studies done that attempt to explain the feelings and discuss the situation from Li Qing-zhao and Zhu Shu-zhen's work. However, there hasn’t been much research on Wei Yu-ru’s work. Wei Yu-ru has been highly praised by the literati in the Song Dynasty and her Ci had a powerful influence on later female poets. Because she write a poem in accordance with the elegant Ci trend and the content is also limited Women's love and the sorrow of parting. Today, her Ci is regarded as 'contrast', 'Concentrated emotions in natural features', 'emotional change description' and ‘Citing ancient poetry’, which express her feelings openly and vividly. Furthermore, she dealt with not only love’s sorrow but based on hopes and expectations that conflicted directly with social reality.
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중국 문학사에서는 송대의 대표 여성사인으로 이청조(李淸照)와 주숙진(朱淑眞), 위옥여(魏玉汝) 세 사람을 꼽는다. 이청조와 주숙진에 대한 작가와 작품 연구는 꾸준히 이어져 오고, 연구 성과 또한 많지만 위옥여에 대한 연구는 상대적으로 극소수에 불과하다. 하지만 위옥여는 중국문학사에서 드물게 남성문인들의 호평을 받은 여성사인으로 그녀의 사작품은 후대 여성사인들에게 깊은 영향을 주었다. 이는 그녀의 사가 당시 아사(雅詞)의 흐름을 쫓아 지어졌고 작품 내용 역시 ‘규정별서(閨情別緖)’에 한정되어 있기 때문이다. 본 논문은 위옥여의 사작품 전체를 처음으로 한국어로 번역하고 그 주제와 표현상의 특징, 사사(詞史)와 여성문학사에서의 의의에 대해 살펴본 논문으로 그녀의 남겨진 사들은 주제 분류상 남편과의 이별에 대한 내용을 다룬 것이 대다수여서 이별사(離別詞)로 칭할 수 있다. 무엇보다 오늘날 그녀의 사가 더욱 가치 있는 것은 ‘대비(對比)’와 ‘이경결정(以景結情: 경물을 사용해 결구에 감정을 밀집해 내는 것)’, ‘감정변화 묘사’, ‘옛 시구의 운용’ 등 여러 가지 표현기교로 자신의 이야기를 솔직하고 핍진하게 그려냈다는 점이다. 또한 작풍(作風)상 그녀의 이별사는 폐부를 찌르는 고통스런 이별의 정서가 아닌 재회의 희망과 기대를 전제한 이별의 슬픔을 이야기하여 완약(婉弱)하면서도 아려(雅麗)한 특징을 지닌다.
Li Qing-zhao, Zhu Shu-zhen, Wei Yu-ru, the three Chinese poets are considered the greatest female poets during the Song Dynasty in Chinese history. There have been a lot of studies done that attempt to explain the feelings and discuss the situation from Li Qing-zhao and Zhu Shu-zhen's work. However, there hasn’t been much research on Wei Yu-ru’s work. Wei Yu-ru has been highly praised by the literati in the Song Dynasty and her Ci had a powerful influence on later female poets. Because she write a poem in accordance with the elegant Ci trend and the content is also limited Women's love and the sorrow of parting. Today, her Ci is regarded as 'contrast', 'Concentrated emotions in natural features', 'emotional change description' and ‘Citing ancient poetry’, which express her feelings openly and vividly. Furthermore, she dealt with not only love’s sorrow but based on hopes and expectations that conflicted directly with social reality.
[NRF 연계] 한국언어문학회 한국언어문학 Vol.100 2017.03 pp.235-265
...Yu Chi-Hwan aesthetically embodied his consciousness of existence with a focus on body. The aspect of body and consciousness of existence in Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry can be classified broadly into the imprisoned body and the isolated consciousness of existence, the damaged body and the ego conflict, and the liberated body and the changeover of existence. Yu Chi-Hwan always noticed that all human bodies had to be tied on the surface of earth due to gravity. Although the imprisoned body was the initial point of limitation, it worked as an opportunity of making Yu Chi-Hwan provoke sensitive response to the limitation and jump over the limitation. The disease symptom or the pain of body is a direct and strong self-expression for the sensitive existence. Using the poet word of damaged body, the poet expressed the consciousness that all human beings had to be troubled with conflict since they are essentially existences with desire and beings with self-contradiction and duplicity. The collision between the lean body and the wing is a poetic method that shows the correlation between the conflict and the desire with a paradoxical esthetic sense. The consciousness of the poet pursuing the changeover of existence aims at getting out of gravity, namely the structure of vertical ascent. Escaping from the restriction of body and getting out of gravity mean getting away from the human world. Then the wing becomes an essential poetic method to liberate body and realize the changeover of existence. The proper province of the awareness of life that Yu Chi-Hwan seeks is characteristically placed beyond the point of the body limitation. It is a very interesting fact that the existence getting away from the human world gives shape to the true meaning of life. The relation between the life and the escape from human world which seems to be contradictory to each other at first glance is problematic, since it is outside the border of Saeng-myngpa dealing with humanity as key factor. This paper presents a new analysis of the esthetic achievement of Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry by interpreting his poems with the view point of not only Saeng-myngpa but also body expression.
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Yu Chi-Hwan aesthetically embodied his consciousness of existence with a focus on body. The aspect of body and consciousness of existence in Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry can be classified broadly into the imprisoned body and the isolated consciousness of existence, the damaged body and the ego conflict, and the liberated body and the changeover of existence. Yu Chi-Hwan always noticed that all human bodies had to be tied on the surface of earth due to gravity. Although the imprisoned body was the initial point of limitation, it worked as an opportunity of making Yu Chi-Hwan provoke sensitive response to the limitation and jump over the limitation. The disease symptom or the pain of body is a direct and strong self-expression for the sensitive existence. Using the poet word of damaged body, the poet expressed the consciousness that all human beings had to be troubled with conflict since they are essentially existences with desire and beings with self-contradiction and duplicity. The collision between the lean body and the wing is a poetic method that shows the correlation between the conflict and the desire with a paradoxical esthetic sense. The consciousness of the poet pursuing the changeover of existence aims at getting out of gravity, namely the structure of vertical ascent. Escaping from the restriction of body and getting out of gravity mean getting away from the human world. Then the wing becomes an essential poetic method to liberate body and realize the changeover of existence. The proper province of the awareness of life that Yu Chi-Hwan seeks is characteristically placed beyond the point of the body limitation. It is a very interesting fact that the existence getting away from the human world gives shape to the true meaning of life. The relation between the life and the escape from human world which seems to be contradictory to each other at first glance is problematic, since it is outside the border of Saeng-myngpa dealing with humanity as key factor. This paper presents a new analysis of the esthetic achievement of Yu Chi-Hwan’s poetry by interpreting his poems with the view point of not only Saeng-myngpa but also body expression.
陳寅恪과의 영향 관계로 본 余英時의 학문 세계 — 《朱熹的歷史世界》의 학술사적 계보 탐색을 중심으로
[NRF 연계] 중국어문학회 중국어문학지 Vol.58 2017.03 pp.69-105
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余英時的《朱熹的歷史世界》以出刊以來對中國人文學術界的影響極大，本稿就以《朱熹》為中心的余英時近期專著進行與陳寅恪晚年著作的學術比較，以初步探討余英時學術思想與方法論的學術系譜。 本稿第二章就余英時的學術問題意識進行探討，其比較論證的初步結論為如下：《方以智晚節考》與《陳寅恪晚年詩文釋證》及《朱熹》皆以具有時代代表性的文化中心人物為研究對象，進行發掘其晚年行跡而揭發其政治文化價值觀。此特點顯然與陳寅恪《柳如是別傳》有極似的相同性。 本稿第三章就余英時的學術方法論進行探討，其比較論證的初步結論為如下：《方以智晚節考》與《陳寅恪晚年詩文釋證》充實繼承了陳寅恪《柳如是別傳》的學術方法論（其方法論可以概括為以詩史互證為中心的考證方法與兼取中西學術優點的解釋方法之有機熔合），《朱熹》的方法論則為其前作與《別傳》之方法論的深化與擴展。 本稿第四章就《朱熹》的敘述結構特徵進行探討，其比較論證的初步結論為如下：《朱熹》有關歷史世界的大部分章節主要採取了陳寅恪《唐代政治史略稿》等中期著作及余英時本人以《論戴震與章學誠》為代表的思想史著作之敘述結構，而《朱熹》的整體結構及有關內心世界的核心章節（即第十二章）主要採取了《別傳》的敘述結構。 本稿第五章就余英時的學術認同性與價值觀進行探討，其比較論證的初步結論為如下：余英時的學術精神為以普遍人權與民主主義為中心的普世價值，基本上繼承而發展了陳寅恪的自由主義學術思想。余英時的近期專著可理解為對這些價值在中國宋明清當代歷史上的演化過程之學術探討。 總之，《朱熹》為繼承而發展《別傳》之學術精神與方法論的具有劃時代性的大作，這結論同時意味著陳寅恪的整體學術目前看似只有身在海外的余英時著作裡面才完整繼承著。
[NRF 연계] 중국어문논역학회 중국어문논역총간 Vol.40 2017.01 pp.363-385
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본고는 나련첨이 1992년에 발표한 <論韓愈古文的幾個問題>에서 제2장 한유의 以文爲詩와 以詩爲文, 제3장 한유 文의 流弊를 번역하고 주를 가한 것이다. 본고의 제1장에서는 한유의 이문위시와 이시위문에 대하여 논하였다. 한유의 이문위시에 대하여는 찬반의 의견이 분분하다. 한유의 이문위시에 대해 비난한 이들로는 송대의 蘇軾⋅黃庭堅⋅魏泰⋅孫奕⋅陳師道⋅劉克莊, 명대의 王士禎, 청대의 毛先舒⋅王士禛 등이 있는데, 이들은 이문위시는 시의 본색에서 벗어난 단지 압운한 문이라 여겼다. 이문위시에 대해 찬성한 이들로는 송대의 呂惠卿⋅李常⋅惠洪, 원대의 趙秉文, 명대의 李東陽⋅陸時雍, 청대의 顧嗣立⋅趙翼⋅方東樹, 근대의 錢基博⋅朱自淸⋅夏敬觀⋅陳寅恪 등을 꼽을 수 있는데, 이들은 이문위시는 문을 시 속에 끌어들여 시의 영역을 확충하였다고 여겼다. 나련첨은 역대의 이문위시에 대한 평가를 검토하고, 전인들의 이문위시에 대한 견해를 귀납하여 이문위시에 대한 정의를 내렸다. 다음으로 한유가 ‘이시위문’했다는 설은 錢穆 선생이 처음 제기하였는데 그 근거는 청대 曾國藩의 ‘無韻之詩’라는 말에서 나온 것이다. 한유는 ‘이문위시’에 다시 ‘이시위문’을 더하여 진정으로 ‘詩文合一’의 경지에 도달했는데, 이는 한유 문학의 創新이며 문학상 미증유의 성과이다. 제2장에서는 한유 文의 유폐에 대하여 논하였다. 한유의 글은 平易自然과 奇崛造作의 두 가지 풍격을 지녔다. 그러나 이러한 경지는 쉽게 이르기 어려운 것이다. 한유가 진부한 표현과 賤俗함을 피하고자 썼던 창작방법은 때로 유폐를 낳기도 했는데, 1) 字句가 生割하고 2) 晦澁하고 3) 客氣가 盛하고 眞氣는 衰하게 되었다는 점이다. 한유 문은 장점이 많지만 이를 잘 배우지 못해 말류에 이르며 이러한 폐단을 야기했던 것이다.
[NRF 연계] 명청사학회 명청사연구 Vol.46 2016.10 pp.1-29
...Yu-tongzui(與同罪) means that one ‘shall be punished by the same penalty’ with the original offender. Only death penalty is mitigated, for the punished person got implicated in other’s crime but he did not commit crime himself. Between yu(與) and tongzui(同罪), the original offender―for example the prisoner or the thief― is inserted in order to show the criterion. On the other hand, Zuitong(罪同) and Zui-yi-ruzhi(罪亦如之) means that one shall be punished on the ground of his own crime, and they used when one offender’s aspect of crime is similar to that of the other. Daemyeongnyul-jikhae(大明律直解) which is Korean adaptation of the Great Ming Code, with inconsistency, took notice of the difference of Yu-tongzui and Zuitong. From her national codes and annals, Chosun Dynasty seems to have taken notice of the difference of Yu-tongzui and Zuitong. This is very important and the reason is: Tongzui and Zuitong are just reverses of each other and have almost the same meaning in common language, but they have significant differences when used as legal terms.
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In the Great Ming Code(Daminglü; 大明律) is, Yu-tongzui(與同罪) means that one ‘shall be punished by the same penalty’ with the original offender. Only death penalty is mitigated, for the punished person got implicated in other’s crime but he did not commit crime himself. Between yu(與) and tongzui(同罪), the original offender―for example the prisoner or the thief― is inserted in order to show the criterion. On the other hand, Zuitong(罪同) and Zui-yi-ruzhi(罪亦如之) means that one shall be punished on the ground of his own crime, and they used when one offender’s aspect of crime is similar to that of the other. Daemyeongnyul-jikhae(大明律直解) which is Korean adaptation of the Great Ming Code, with inconsistency, took notice of the difference of Yu-tongzui and Zuitong. From her national codes and annals, Chosun Dynasty seems to have taken notice of the difference of Yu-tongzui and Zuitong. This is very important and the reason is: Tongzui and Zuitong are just reverses of each other and have almost the same meaning in common language, but they have significant differences when used as legal terms.
李漁의 戱曲創作의 新奇性 小考 - ≪閑情偶寄≫를 중심으로
[NRF 연계] 고려대학교 중국학연구소 중국학논총 Vol.53 2016.09 pp.105-117
...yu, who lived between Late-Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty, was a famous drama theorists, writers, thinkers, aesthetics in Ming and Qing Dynasties. “Xian Qing Ou Ji(≪闲情偶寄≫)”was one of the most important works in his life. Li Yu’s “Xian Qing Ou Ji” has been paid attention since being published. The discussion of its opera theory in certain chapters in which Ciand Qu Department(＜词曲部＞), Exercise and Performance Department(＜演习部＞), and Voice and Appearance Department(＜声容部＞) is fine and original, insightful and they have a far-reaching impact. From the opera theory in “XianQing Ou Ji”, with times and environment which this book is published and author’s special life experience. The full text is divided into three parts: foreword, text, and conclusion. The foreword mainly introduces the significance of the subjects for this article, the research angle and method, and the aspects of creativity. Beginning with the concept of “advocating novelty(尚新奇)” in Li Yu’s fiction has three contents: “no writing without wonder(非奇不传)”, “seeking wonder in the common(常中求奇)” and “homogeneity in novelty(新奇同质)”. This paper attempts to expound the embodiment of the concept of “homogeneity in novelty” in the style of comedy of Li Yu’s drama from subject matter, characterization, plot. The conclusion excavates Li Yu’s unique contribution to the opera theory. And summarizes the characteristics of opera theory in “XianQing Ou Ji” and explores its influence on the opera theory of later generation and points out its limitation, then expounds necessity to excavate its value.
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Li yu, who lived between Late-Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty, was a famous drama theorists, writers, thinkers, aesthetics in Ming and Qing Dynasties. “Xian Qing Ou Ji(≪闲情偶寄≫)”was one of the most important works in his life. Li Yu’s “Xian Qing Ou Ji” has been paid attention since being published. The discussion of its opera theory in certain chapters in which Ciand Qu Department(＜词曲部＞), Exercise and Performance Department(＜演习部＞), and Voice and Appearance Department(＜声容部＞) is fine and original, insightful and they have a far-reaching impact. From the opera theory in “XianQing Ou Ji”, with times and environment which this book is published and author’s special life experience. The full text is divided into three parts: foreword, text, and conclusion. The foreword mainly introduces the significance of the subjects for this article, the research angle and method, and the aspects of creativity. Beginning with the concept of “advocating novelty(尚新奇)” in Li Yu’s fiction has three contents: “no writing without wonder(非奇不传)”, “seeking wonder in the common(常中求奇)” and “homogeneity in novelty(新奇同质)”. This paper attempts to expound the embodiment of the concept of “homogeneity in novelty” in the style of comedy of Li Yu’s drama from subject matter, characterization, plot. The conclusion excavates Li Yu’s unique contribution to the opera theory. And summarizes the characteristics of opera theory in “XianQing Ou Ji” and explores its influence on the opera theory of later generation and points out its limitation, then expounds necessity to excavate its value.
범재신론으로서의 유영모의 하나님 이해 - Charles Hartshorne의 범재신론과 비교하여
[NRF 연계] 한국조직신학회 한국조직신학논총 Vol.44 2016.06 pp.147-176
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이 소고의 목적은 다석(多夕) 유영모의 신 이해를 하트숀(Charles Hartshorne)의 범재신론적 신 이해와 비교 연구하여 유영모의 신관을 범재신론으로 보는 것이 정당한지를 논하는 것이다. 이를 위해 유영모의신 이해의 특징을 살펴보고, 이어서 하트숀의 범재신론을 분석하며 유영모의 입장과 비교하려고 한다. 유영모는 절대적 실재를 기본적으로 이 세계에 대하여 초월적인 것으로 정의한다. 그는 유가철학의 무극이태극(無極而太極)의 개념을 통해 하나님에 대한 우리의 이해가 태극으로 상징되는 이 세계에 대한 내재적인 의미에 머물러 있으면 안 되고, 초월적이고 절대적인 무극으로서의 하나님 이해로 확장되어야 한다고 보았다. 유영모는 자신의 신 개념인 “없이 계신 하느님”이 인간의 이성과 지식으로는 규정될 수 없다는점에서, 신의 초월성을 강조하면서도 인간의 실제적인 영성과 관련하여신적 내재성도 이야기 하고 있다. 하트숀은 고전적 유신론이 주장해온 하나님의 완전성 개념에 반대한다. 그는 하나님을 양극적 본성으로 규정하면서, 이 세계에 대해 완전한 신이란 절대성과 상대성, 필연성과 우연성, 독립성과 의존성 등의 반대되는 두 요소를 다 포함해야만 한다고 주장한다. 이러한 하나님의 양극적 본성에 기초하여, 그는 이 세계와 관계되어 있다는 점에서 상대적인 신적 내재성을 강조하면서도 동시에 자기를 능가하는 자로서 이 세계에 대한 신적 초월성을 설명하고자 했다. 유영모와 하트숀 모두 이 세계에 대한 신적 초월성과 내재성을 이야기하고 있지만, 유영모의 신관이 궁극적으로 신의 초월성에 무게를두고 상대적 세계를 벗어나 절대의 세계로 들어 가야함을 주장하는 것에 반해, 하트숀은 상호의존적이며 상호관계적인 하나님과 세계의 관계에 집중한다. 하나님과 세계와의 관계에 집중하고 있는 하트숀의 범재신론은 유영모의 신 이해의 핵심이라고 할 수 있는 신의 초월성에 대해명확한 설명을 제공하지 못한다. 이런 이유에서 유영모의 신학을 범재신론으로 규정하는 것은 적절하지 않다고 생각한다.
[NRF 연계] 온지학회 온지논총 Vol.47 2016.04 pp.9-37
...yu-won(1814~1888)`s longing poems that he wrote longing poems in the stream of sequential poems after Park, je-ga in the late Chosun dynasty. Lee, yu-won wrote 19poems by 5 letters and 6 phrases that introduced 19people be related to his senior. but, This was <Hoejangnobanggoinche> in the 『Gaogoryak』 book 4. He used to poem style of 5 letters and 6 phrases that be affected by Jiang Shiquan`s poems in the Qing. The characters were high office and personage in this time. The characters of Lee, yu-won`s longing poems were overlap a part of the characters that wrote longing poems who Cho myeon-ho, Nam Byeong-cheol, Kim seok-jun, Seo, yu-young. I preferentially considered Lee, yu-won`s remarkable part. so, I advanced comparison that his longing poems with previous his longing poems that created longing poems that intended for the same person. The result, at other longing poems, It was praised political history or a talent about the characters. and It was looked better positive application of a related source. It couldn`t overlook that people of those day appraised people of those day. The other side, Lee, yu-won appeared objective valuation about a prescribed part. but, he concentrated that introduce the object character and personal friendship. At 5 letters and 6 phrases, I couldn`t understand an aspect of friendship without a hitch. Because, he fragmentarily alluded to described the characters about personal friendship. So, I looked around the characters` works, 『Yimhapilgi』 and 『Gaogoryak』. Moerover, Lee, yu-won actively praised the object character`s political history or ability through a source or a personal episode. Besides, He not only expressed the object character`s admiration but also introduced his episode at almost his work. But, He attached from objective source to personal source through such a form. In addition, He associated with distinguished men through personal friendship. and he released his self-conceit that received treatment them. I had an eye to introduce Lee, yu-won`s longing poems, accordingly was unpolished my discussion. but, If I compared longing poems of Lee, yu-won with longing poems of the same age, that saw just Lee, yu-won`s special feature.
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조선 후기 박제가를 필두로 전개된 연작 회인시의 흐름 속에서 李裕元의 회인시를 살펴보았다. 이유원은 자신의 선배 격에 해당하는 19人을 五言六句 19首에 담아 소개했는데, 『嘉梧藁略』 책4에 있는 <懷長老仿古人體>가 바로 그것이다. 오언육구라는 詩體는 청나라 장사전의 영향을 받은 것이며, 대상인물은 당시 고관을 역임했고 명사로 추앙받았던 이들이다. 이유원 회인시의 대상인물은 전시기 연작 회인시를 창작했던 趙冕鎬, 南秉哲, 金奭準, 徐有英의 대상인물과도 겹치는 부분이 있다. 이에 우선 이유원만의 특징적 일면을 살펴보기 위해, 전시기 창작된 회인시 중 동일한 인물을 대상으로 한 작품과 비교 검토를 진행했다. 그 결과 여타의 회인시에서는 대상인물에 대한 정치 행적이나 재능을 칭송하는데 초점이 맞추어져 있었고 관련 고사의 적극적인 활용이 돋보였다. 당대인들의 당대인에 대한 평가라는 점에서 묵과할 수 없는 작품들이다. 반면 이유원은 일정부분 객관적인 평가를 보이고 있지만, 대상인물과 자신의 개인적인 교유 정황을 소개하는데 집중했다. 오언육구라는 형식 속에 묘사된 대상인물과의 개인적인 교유의 단편적인 언급만으로는 그 교유의 실상을 제대로 파악할 수 없었기에, 『林下筆記』나 『嘉梧藁略』 및 대상인물의 문집을 함께 살펴보았다. 이유원은 대상인물을 칭송하면서도 거의 대부분의 작품을 자신과의 일화를 소개하는 것으로 마무리했는데, 이러한 방식을 통해 객관적인 칭송에 개인적인 칭송까지 덧붙였다. 더불어 개인적인 교유 정황의 언급을 통해 당대 저명한 名士들과 교유했고 그들에게 知遇를 입었다는 자신의 자부심을 맘껏 발산했다. 이유원 연작 회인시를 소개하는데 주안점을 두다보니 논의가 자못 거칠어졌지만, 동시대 혹은 전후 시기 창작된 연작 회인시와 꾸준히 비교 검토를 한다면 이유원만의 특징적 일면이 더욱 선명해질 것이다.
I considered Lee, yu-won(1814~1888)`s longing poems that he wrote longing poems in the stream of sequential poems after Park, je-ga in the late Chosun dynasty. Lee, yu-won wrote 19poems by 5 letters and 6 phrases that introduced 19people be related to his senior. but, This was <Hoejangnobanggoinche> in the 『Gaogoryak』 book 4. He used to poem style of 5 letters and 6 phrases that be affected by Jiang Shiquan`s poems in the Qing. The characters were high office and personage in this time. The characters of Lee, yu-won`s longing poems were overlap a part of the characters that wrote longing poems who Cho myeon-ho, Nam Byeong-cheol, Kim seok-jun, Seo, yu-young. I preferentially considered Lee, yu-won`s remarkable part. so, I advanced comparison that his longing poems with previous his longing poems that created longing poems that intended for the same person. The result, at other longing poems, It was praised political history or a talent about the characters. and It was looked better positive application of a related source. It couldn`t overlook that people of those day appraised people of those day. The other side, Lee, yu-won appeared objective valuation about a prescribed part. but, he concentrated that introduce the object character and personal friendship. At 5 letters and 6 phrases, I couldn`t understand an aspect of friendship without a hitch. Because, he fragmentarily alluded to described the characters about personal friendship. So, I looked around the characters` works, 『Yimhapilgi』 and 『Gaogoryak』. Moerover, Lee, yu-won actively praised the object character`s political history or ability through a source or a personal episode. Besides, He not only expressed the object character`s admiration but also introduced his episode at almost his work. But, He attached from objective source to personal source through such a form. In addition, He associated with distinguished men through personal friendship. and he released his self-conceit that received treatment them. I had an eye to introduce Lee, yu-won`s longing poems, accordingly was unpolished my discussion. but, If I compared longing poems of Lee, yu-won with longing poems of the same age, that saw just Lee, yu-won`s special feature.
[NRF 연계] 인하대학교 한국학연구소 한국학연구 Vol.39 2015.11 pp.385-413
...Yu Gil Jun and Hulbert who spent their youth and their manhood endeavoring to modernize Korean education. First, in the object of education, Yu Gil Jun asserted we need acquiring of knowledge and becoming a virtuous man individually, but it was national development ultimately. Hulbert emphasized the change of individual to face up to the reality. Second, in the educational contents and method, Yu Gil Jun argued using Korean because Korean is convenient in teaching and promoting the spirit of nationalism. Hulbert asserted a liberal education of commoners to pull down the wall between the upper and lower class caused by using Chinese character. Third, in the education system, Yu Gil Jun emphasized a public education with introducing the western styled educational system and subjects. Hulbert asserted that we need to establish modern school, recruit and train teachers, found the educational association. The meaning for our history of education from their educational thoughts is, first, it aimed for modern education which was sought after in those days. Yu Gil Jun argued the national education for national development. Hulbert stressed a liberal education of commoners. Second, they placed emphasis on practical learning. Yu Gil Jun outlined we need easy educational contents and method to catch on the learning. Hulbert described Hangul became a man media because that was the universal language. Third, They asserted national education using the Korean books. Yu Gil Jun wanted to mix Korean and Chinese characters with the Korean alphabet mainly while Hulbert emphasized the exclusive use of Hangul.
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본 연구는 유길준과 개화기 조선에서 청․장년기를 보내며 조선의 근대화를 위해 노력했던 헐버트의 교육사상을 비교 고찰하고, 그들의 교육사상에 나타난 교육사적 의의를 밝히고자 하였다. 먼저 교육의 목적에서 유길준은 교육을 통해 개인적으로는 지식을 습득하고 올바른 행동과 생각을 체득하여 훌륭한 덕을 가진 사람을 양성하는 것이었으나, 이것은 궁극적으로 국가의 발전을 위한 것이었다. 헐버트는 교육을 통해 현재의 실질적인 삶을 이해하고 사회를 보는 태도를 근본적으로 바꾸기 위해 개인을 변화시키는 것이었다. 즉 유길준은 교육의 목적을 국가의 발전에 두었고 헐버트는 교양인의 양성에 두었다고 할 수 있다. 둘째, 교육내용 및 방법에 있어서 유길준은 국어가 아동 학습과 국가정신을 양성하는데 편리하기 때문에 국어를 사용해야 한다고 주장하였다. 헐버트는 한자 사용으로 인해 생긴 상․하층의 장벽을 무너뜨리기 위해서는 한글로 된 서적으로 서민들을 교육시켜 그들로 하여금 훌륭한 교양을 가지도록 해야 한다고 주장하였다. 셋째, 교육제도에 있어서 유길준은 서구 학교제도와 학과를 소개하면서 국가적 차원의 공교육을 실시해야 함을 강조하였다. 헐버트는 근대적 성격의 학교 설립과 함께 자격증에 의한 실력평가․교사의 선발 및 교원 연수․교육협회의 창설이 개화기에 조선에서 요구되는 교육의 방향임을 역설하였다. 두 인물의 교육사상에서 찾을 수 있는 교육사적 의의는 첫째, 개화기에 요구되던 근대 교육을 지향하고 있었다. 유길준은 국가 발전을 위한 국민교육을 강조하였고 헐버트는 서민의 교양 교육을 강조하였다. 둘째, 실용적인 학문을 중시하였다. 유길준은 학습자가 이해하기 편한 교육 내용과 방법을 사용해야 한다고 하였고, 헐버트는 보편적인 생활언어인 한글이 주요한 사고의 매체가 되어야 한다고 하였다. 셋째, 한글 서적을 사용한 보통교육을 강조하였다. 유길준은 한글을 주로 하는 국한문 혼용을 주장하였고, 헐버트는 한글 전용을 주장하였다.
This paper examined the meaning for our history of education during the Enlightenment Period by comparing the educational thoughts of Yu Gil Jun and Hulbert who spent their youth and their manhood endeavoring to modernize Korean education. First, in the object of education, Yu Gil Jun asserted we need acquiring of knowledge and becoming a virtuous man individually, but it was national development ultimately. Hulbert emphasized the change of individual to face up to the reality. Second, in the educational contents and method, Yu Gil Jun argued using Korean because Korean is convenient in teaching and promoting the spirit of nationalism. Hulbert asserted a liberal education of commoners to pull down the wall between the upper and lower class caused by using Chinese character. Third, in the education system, Yu Gil Jun emphasized a public education with introducing the western styled educational system and subjects. Hulbert asserted that we need to establish modern school, recruit and train teachers, found the educational association. The meaning for our history of education from their educational thoughts is, first, it aimed for modern education which was sought after in those days. Yu Gil Jun argued the national education for national development. Hulbert stressed a liberal education of commoners. Second, they placed emphasis on practical learning. Yu Gil Jun outlined we need easy educational contents and method to catch on the learning. Hulbert described Hangul became a man media because that was the universal language. Third, They asserted national education using the Korean books. Yu Gil Jun wanted to mix Korean and Chinese characters with the Korean alphabet mainly while Hulbert emphasized the exclusive use of Hangul.
[NRF 연계] 한국중어중문학회 중어중문학 Vol.61 2015.08 pp.365-389
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本文以河野六郎(1968)所划分的韓國漢字音層次為基礎，整理15-16世紀韓國漢字音材料中遇攝模、魚、虞三韻例字，並對其漢字音主要對應形式進行分析，提出對韓國漢字音歷史層次的一些看法。 通過考察，我們認為：1.遇攝魚韻舌上音仍同舌頭音保持一致，例如“豬”，對應為뎨[tye]，存保留上古語音痕跡的現象；2.魚韻主要以“ㅓ，ㅕ”對應，莊組字則同模韻相同以“ㅗ”對應。這一點同『洪武正韻』相同，並且該現象在唐以前的資料中未見；魚韻主要以“ㅓ，ㅕ”對應，虞韻則以“ㅠ，ㅜ”對應，仍保持未合流的狀態；3.在各韻部例字出現例外時，聲符或者語義角度的類推往往是造成該現象的原因。如：“媽”由“馬”類推，“墓”由“廟”類推等；4.如果例字有兩個以上的發音，使用頻度高的通常是簡單易發音的形式；其次有佛經、儒家經典與普及性較廣的字典、詞典中體現不同對應的傾向，前者通常會添加“i”，後者則選擇簡單發音形式。5.遇攝模韻反映了模韻音價由[o]>[u]的高化過程，我們認為其不屬於北宋後的近代漢語音韻層次，而大致屬於河野六郎劃分的九世紀初的唐長安音為主的層次。6.遇攝魚韻中的莊組字“ㅗ[o]”對應型並非近代音的一種反映，其仍屬河野六郎所劃分的b層，並非新讀音，是老讀音。
장사전(蔣士銓)의 희곡 평가에 대한 고찰 - 『사현추(四絃秋)』를 중심으로
[NRF 연계] 중국문화연구학회 중국문화연구 Vol.29 2015.08 pp.139-156
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本文对清代中叶具有代表性的戏曲作家蒋士铨的戏曲评价进行了考察。处于花雅之争时代 的蒋士铨，作为正统文人从事戏曲创作。关于蒋氏的戏曲，有一种评论为其文采裴然，却难 以付诸歌台舞榭，批评其多为案头之作，不适合演出。这是不符合实际的。本文以他的代表 作四弦秋为中心，从其创作动机和作品所见的艺术特征一一考察其评价。
馮夢龍《賣油郞獨占花魁》와의 비교를 통해 본 李玉《占花魁》
[NRF 연계] 한국중문학회 중국문학연구 Vol.60 2015.08 pp.81-105
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李玉的戱曲《占花魁》是根據馮夢龍小說《賣油郞獨占花魁》改編而成的作品. 小說和戱曲講述了同一个故事, 其內容都是以男女主角的愛情爲中心, 但兩都均有不同之處.《占花魁》不僅限于改編的, 還是再創作的藝術作品. 《賣油郞獨占花魁》中男女主角都是平民百姓,而在《占花魁》中將其身份設定爲仕宦子弟, 男主角秦重也改名爲秦種. 爲符合身份的變化, 李玉不僅創造了不少情節, 而且細心地安排了可烘托人物性格的細節. 劇中人物是以變成了與《賣油郞獨占花魁》的不同的新人物. 値得注意的是,相比《賣油郞獨占花魁》，戱曲《占花魁》增加了很多有關歷史和社会背景的内容. 其實, 這些都是按照李玉重視教化功能的戱曲觀創造的. 但《占花魁》的主要線索,還是圍繞秦種和莘瑤琴的眞情.而且眞情的作用并不被這些内容所减少, 相反, 恰到好處的起到了襯托的作用. 從另一個角度來看, 也可以看到李玉拘泥于封建思想. 但幷未影響作品的精彩程度, 也不能代表整個作品. 從總體來說, 《占花魁》是一部具有很高的文學成就的作品.
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