Earticle

Yu Qingtang(俞慶棠, 1897-1949) intended to change the framework and contents of traditional education by adopting progressive pragmatist education, prevailing trend in western education. Recognizing the reality of China, priority should be given to dissemination of education itself, as the change of traditional education to modern education. Therefore, she focused on efforts to bring various experiments and experiences outside the institution into institutional systems for flexible institutional changes that would expand more educational opportunities. Yu's generally cooperation with Nationalist Revolution and her participation in Nanjing national government as the Director of the Social Education Department of Shanghai Education Bureau enabled administrative support including educational expenses which lead to remarkable achievements in the construction of numerous public education institutions in Jiangsu Province and in the implementation of public education throughout the country. However, she experienced conflict with the government in the process of conducting more professional and scientific research and experiments through the activities with the Jiangsu Provincial College of Education and the College of Education in Shanghai. In addition, based on the idea of saving country by education, she opposed nonresistant policy and cooperated beyond political faction in anti-Japanese movement. She prioritized the national mission of education, such as organizing and supporting production activities as a rear base in the anti-Japanese war. Because she put forward the realization of the public education, she participated in the Political and Economic Cooperative Council as a representative of the education system and became the president of the social education department of the central people's government education department in 1949. Being a woman on her own, Yu Qingtang was well aware of the issues of women education and children development. Women's education has to be expanded from urban women education to rural women, and it should be oriented toward practical vocational education. Since the actual producers of China, such as workers and farmers, who were self-sufficient and autonomous would bring about social changes and progress, Yu insisted through her public education theory that the range of beneficiaries of education should be expanded to embrace every Chinese. This is not merely composed of the theoretical aspect, but it was carried out through practical experiments and surveys in the area of Jiangsu Province, as well as the activities of the Chinese social education institute through nationwide and global networks.

在中國近代新聞傳播史上，香港ㆍ上海ㆍ天津ㆍ北京等都是常常為中外學者津津樂道的地方. 因為這些地方，不僅有聞名遐邇的報紙ㆍ刊物，而且還有一些著名的報人，對重要的新聞事件進行採訪，傳播知識ㆍ文化ㆍ智慧等，在歷史大轉折時期曾發揮著重要的輿論引導作用. 然而，在前近代的中國新聞傳播版圖上，這些地方都很難與一個地方相提並論. 這個地方就是澳門. 那麼，澳門在前近代中國新聞傳播事業中究竟扮演什麼樣的角色，發揮過什麼樣的作用? 澳門大學傳播系助理教授兼社會科學學院助理院長林玉鳳博士在『中國近代報業的起點: 澳門新聞出版史(1557-1840)』一書中對此進行了綜合探討，抽絲剝繭. 廓清重重歷史疑團，自成一說. 該書既填補中國新聞史上的重要空白，又闡釋了前近代澳門新聞出版事業之興起在澳門乃至中國歷史發展的重要地位，還旁及中西文化交流史等諸多問題，確屬難能可貴.

[Rook Review] Lin Yu-feng, The Beginning of the Modern Chinese Press History: Macao Press History 1557-1840

부안 우반동은 반계의 9대조 유관이 받은 사패지로 알려져 있다. 유관은 태종 때 전라감사를 지내기도 하였다. 반계는 32세 때, 1653년(효종 4) 조부 유성민의 3년상을 치르고 우반동으로 이거하여 20여 년을 살면서 『반계수록』을 편찬하였다. 그의 실학과 부안 우반동은 불가분의 관계에 있다. 반계 유적으로는 그가 살았던 집터와 우물, 후학을 양성했던 서당터, 군사훈련 때 썼다는 돌기둥, 그를 배향한 동림서원지가 있다. 집터인 논자락, 그 위로 공원부지가 조성되고 1974년 우반동 입구에 세운 반계선생비가 옮겨져 있다. 반계서당은 복원되어 있으며, 동립서원터에는 유허비와 주춧돌만 남아 있다. 문화재로는 반계서당 일원만이 지정되어 있다. 현재 반계유적 보존과 활용이 산중턱의 반계 서당을 중심으로 이루어지고 있으나 산중턱에 자리하여 인적이 드물고 접근성이 떨어지는 등 사람들이 찾기에 어려운 점이 있다. 따라서 마을에 있던 고택을 복원하거나 반계 관련 시설을 설치하여 반계 유적 보존과 활용의 거점으로 활용할 필요가 있다. 1992년 경지정리 전만해도 담장 등 고택 흔적이 남아 있었다. 서당 또한 콘텐츠가 필요하다. 현재는 빈 건물만 있고 그 안에 아무런 전시물도 없다. 동림서원지는 정비하여 우반동 유적과 연계시켜야 한다. 또 반계 유적과 주변의 자연과 문화유산을 연계시킬 필요가 있다. 부안은 들과 산, 바다를 끼고 있어 자연경관이 빼어날 뿐 아니라 고려청자를 비롯한 문화유산의 보고이다. 반계 유적을 자원화하고 반계 실학을 계승하여 지역문화를 활성화 시킬 수 있는 가장 효과적인 방안은 호남실학원을 설립하는 것이다. 그래서 호남실학원이 호남지역의 실학을 연구하고, 반계유적 보존과 활성화의 거점이 되며, 나아가 전북과 호남정신을 연구 조사하는 센터가 되어야 한다.

Yu Hyeongwon moved to Wubandong in Buan in 1653, where he lived for more than 20 years and wrote his most famous book, Bangyesurok. His ruins include the residence where he lived, the site of the seowon where he taught younger students, the stone pillar he used during military training, and the Dongrim Seowon remains, where he is enshrined. At present, only Bangye Seodang is restored and the preservation and utilization of the site are being carried out, but it is located in the middle of the mountain. So it is very rare for people to see it. Therefore, it is necessary to restore his residence in the village house or to install the facilities related to Bangye and utilize them as a base of his relics. The development of new cultural contents regarding Bangye Seodang is also required. Currently there is only an empty building and there are no exhibits in it. Dongrim Seowon site should be maintained and connected with Wubandong relics. In addition, it is necessary to develop Bangye site and surrounding natural environment and cultural heritage in linkage with each other. It is most effective to establish a Honam silhak institute to develop Bangye site as a cultural resource and succeed his scholarship to revitalize local culture. The institute, in this way, should be a base for studying silhak in Honam area, becoming a base for revitalizing Bangye site, and researching Jeonbuk and Honam Spirit.

이 글은 『반계잡고』 와 『반계유고』 를 통해 발굴 혹은 수합된 유형원 관련 생애기록물에 대한 본격적인 분석을 시도한 것이다. 유형원이 서거한 이후, 그의 생력과 학덕 및 업적을 정리한 문건은 100여 년에 걸쳐 총 10편이 제작된다. 일반적인 문인에 비해 많은 수의 생애기록물이 나온 것인데, 18세기 중반 『수록』 의 公刊을 요구했던 시대적 분위기에서 그 원인을 찾았다. 그 흐름과 면면을 선명히 드러내기 위해, 유형원의 생애기록물을 시기에 따라 세 개의 그룹으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 첫 번째 그룹은 그가 타계한 직후 그와 가까운 관계에 있었던 지인들에 의해 작성된 초기 자료들로, 삶의 이력과 평소의 언행을 기록함으로써 그의 인품과 학덕을 기리는 데 중점을 두고 있었다. 이후 『수록』 의 가치가 사회적으로 공인되고 그 간행에 대한 요구가 높아지던 시기에 나온 네 편을 두 번째 그룹으로 묶었다. 이 자료들은 『수록』 을 읽은 후 그 주장에 감발한 이들이 찬술한 것으로, 유형원의 최대의 학문적 업적이자 경세론의 결정체인 『수록』 의 내용을 소개하고 그 가치를 현창하는 데 상당한 지면을 할애하고 있었다. 유형원의 사람됨이나 행적을 기록하고 추모하기보다 그의 저술과 주장에 초점을 맞추어 그를 그리고 있다는 점에서 앞 시기와 뚜렷하게 대별되는 것이다. 마지막으로 『수록』 이 간행된 이후에 나온 두 편을 따로 묶어 살폈는데, 이 둘은 서로 다른 길을 택했다. 『수록』 으로 유형원을 입전했던 바로 앞 시기의 특성이 극대화된 결과물이 있는가 하면, 유형원과 관련된 생력정보를 집대성하여 연보의 형태로 정리함으로써 그에 대한 종합적 이해를 가능하게 한 성과도 있었던 것이다. 유형원 관련 생애기록물을 통시적으로 조망한 이번 작업은 학술사적 위상에 골몰하여 그의 상을 그려온 오랜 내력과 궤적을 확인시켜주었다. 동시에 이 과정은 그간 유형원에 대한 연구에서 배제되었던 화소와 질료들을 다시금 돌아보게 하였다. 이에 대한 다각적이고 입체적인 접근이 유형원 연구의 다음 장을 열어주리라 기대한다.

This study aims to analyse the biography of Yu Hyeong-won, discovered or collected through Bangye-japgo and Bangye-yugo. Completing the collection of Yu Hyeong-won’s lifelong records and achievements took a hundred-year in total after his death. The number of pieces collected sums up to ten, which is relatively large number while other scholars’ collections consist of less pieces. The reason of its large volume could be found in periodical atmosphere demanding the publication of Su-rok in 18th century. The biographies could be categorized in three groups by period in order to distinctly differentiate their diverse features and aspects. The first group include early documents written by Yu Hyeong-won’s closest friends shortly after his death. These pieces contain his life history to praise his great personality along with his learning and virtue. The second group contains four pieces written in the period when the value of Su-rok was widely recognized to risen the demands of its publication. The pieces in this group were written by those who were deeply impressed by reading Su-rok, which is a great aggregation of administration theory and said to be Yu Hyeong-won’s greatest academic achievement. The writers spared a lot of pages not only to introduce the contents of Su-rok but also to spotlight its value. The writers of this group had focused more on his book and his opinion rather than his personality or achievements. This makes this group clearly distinguishable from the first one. The last group contains two pieces written after the publication and the release of Su-rok. Each one of this group focused on different point where the first one showed maximized quality of former pieces, while the other collected Yu Hyeong-won’s life history by period for comprehensive understanding. This study helped to trace the path and origin of former Yu Hyeong-won studies by diachronically revising the biography of Yu Hyeong-won. The process has also helped to revise formerly excluded elements and materials once again. Multilateral and stereoscopic approach to those materials could lead to open further stage of the study of Yu Hyeong-won.

고금경험활유방은 17세기후반~18세기초반 조선에서 활동했던 유상의 저작으로 천연두 전문 의학서적이다. 저자 유상은 조선 왕실의 천연두 전문 의사였으며, 조선 왕 27명 중 3명의 천연두를 성공적으로 치료하여 명망이 높았던 인물이다. 본 책의 내용상의 특징은 다음과 같이 요약해볼 수 있다. 첫째, 천연두 원인에 대한 기록이 소략되어 있다. 둘째, 치료할 수 있는 환자인지 아닌지에 대한 분별을 강조하고 있다. 셋째, 천연두 치료와 관련된 약재를 선별하여 별도로 정리하고 있다. 넷째, 다양한 의학 서적의 내용과 자신의 경험을 종합하여 논술하고 있다. 이처럼 고금경험활유방은 유상의 천연두 치료에 대한 노하우가 집약된 책으로. 조선후기 천연두 치료 발달과정을 연구하는데 중요한 의미를 가질 것이다.

Li Yu, who lived between Late-Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty, was a famous drama theorist, writer, thinkers, aesthetician in Ming and Qing Dynasties. “Xian Qing Ou Ji(≪闲情偶寄≫)” was one of the most important works in his life. Li Yu’s “Xian Qing Ou Ji” has been paid attention since being published. The discussion of its opera theory in certain chapters in which Ciand Qu Department(＜词曲部＞), Exercise and Performance Department (＜演习部＞), and Voice and Appearance Department (＜声容部＞) is fine and original, insightful and they have a far-reaching impact. Li Yu’s thought of dress aesthetics is mainly concentrated in Voice and Appearance Department (＜声容 部＞). From the dress ideology in “XianQing Ou Ji”, with times and environment which this book is published and author’s special life experience. The full text is divided into three parts: foreword, text, and conclusion. The foreword mainly introduces the significance of the subjects for this article, the research angle. Beginning with the problems he put on dress is of rich and deep the classical dress aesthetics. In his thoughts, human plays a leading role in dressing. Dress will never be independent system beyond body. It is beautiful only when it is matched with skin color, figure, and social status. In Li Yu’s opinion dress ideologies are natural and harmonious. According to his views, beauty lies in naturalness. The more nature the women appear to be when they’re wearing the clothes, the more beautiful they are. What’s more, this beaut still can properly conceal the fault of the women dressed, which make more contribution to the creation of the women’s natural beauty. Also he proposed a principle on ladies elegant and fit made an aesthetic analysis of black color. Li Yu especially admired the color of cyan, which he thought was proper for the rich or the poor, the old or the young, the dark or the fair skin. From the whole view his dress aesthetics are moderate and harmonious and natural. The conclusion excavates Li Yu’s unique contribution to the dress aesthetics theory. And summarizes the characteristics of dress ideology theory in “XianQing Ou Ji” and explores its influence on the dress theory of later generation and points out its limitation.

『破與立: 東華三院制度的演變』一書, 由何佩然教授主編, 三聯書店(香港）有限公司2010年3月出版, 是東華三院檔案資料彙編系列之四. 東華三院從1870年至今, 已經有近140年贈醫ㆍ施藥ㆍ殯儀ㆍ教育ㆍ社會服務的歷史, 是香港少有的擁有這麼長歷史, 並在慈善事業上有這麼多貢獻的機構. 東華三院的檔案, 包括會議紀錄ㆍ通訊錄ㆍ志事錄ㆍ征信錄ㆍ醫療紀錄ㆍ圖片等, 詳細記錄了歷年的活動, 將這一百多年的傳統歷史的發展, 一字一句地記錄下來.

[Book Review] Po yu Li: Dong-hua San-yuan Zhidude Yanbian by He Pei Ran

유길준은 일본에서 동아청년회에 관여하였다. 동아청년회 및 일한동지회에 소속하는 일본인들은 일진회 및 대한협회에 반대하고 독자적인 운동을 전개하려고 하였다. 유길준의 인맥 또한 이와 같은 경향을 보였다. 유길준이 유일하게 참여한 기존 자강운동 단체인 대동학회는 그가 귀국 전부터 교류하던 일한동지회가 관여한 단체였다. 유길준은 귀국 후 독자적으로 자강운동을 전개하였다. 흥사단 활동은 이미 활동하고 있던 교육 지도자들과 거리를 두고 전개한 활동이었다. 한성부민회 역시 유길준이 독자적으로 전개한 활동이었다. 1909년 1월 한성부민회에 대한협회 인사들이 참여하였는데, 결국 유길준과 뜻을 같이 할 수 없었다. 이러한 유길준의 인맥은 1910년 및 1912년의 일기를 통해서도 확인된다. 당시 자강운동 세력을 이끄는 윤효정, 장지연, 신채호, 박은식과 같은 인물은 유길준의 주소록인 『지우록』과 『조문록』, 『유길준 일기』에 나타나지 않았다. 유길준은 망명에서 귀국한 후 새롭게 등장한 젊은 운동가들에게 합류하지 않고 독자적인 자강운동을 전개하고자 했다. 이를 위해 산업계 인사들을 포섭해 인적 네트워크를 구축하고자 하였다.

Yu KilChun was involved in Tonga Ch’?ngny?nhoe in Japan, Tonga Ch’?ngny?nhoe and the Japanese affiliated with Ilhan Tongjihoe tried to start their independent movement and Yu KilChun’s personal connections show the same tendency as well. Daedonghakhoe, the only strenuous efforts movement organization which Yu KilChun participated was an organization involved with Ilhan Tongjihoe which he interacted before returning from abroad. After his return, he developed his own Enlightenment Movement. Heungsadan activities kept their distance from the existing leaders. Hans?ngbuminhoe also was Yu KilChun’s independent activity. January 1909, Personnel from Taehanhy?p'oe participated in Hans?ngbuminhoe and they couldn’t get together. Those personal connections have been verified his 1910 and 1912 journal. The leaders of the Enlightenment Movement such as Yun Hyoch?ng, Chang Chiy?n, Sin Ch'aeho, Pak ?nsik didn’t show in Chiurok (Records of close acquaintances), Condolence book, and Yu Kilchun’s Journal. After his return from asylum, Yu KilChun tried to develop his independent Enlightenment Movement not joining new activists thus tried to construct network with industrial personnel.

This study aims to exam the historical value of Hyeonggi Yu as a translator of Christian texts. With a series of fact-finding and analysis, the author verifies that he is “one” in a modern sense with the following four reasons: (Here, “modern” means “possessing more of Today’s general attributes.”) Firstly, he did direct-translation from the English source texts as early as the year 1930, not relaying from Japanese or Chinese translation of English sources, which was more prevalent translation custom of the time. Secondly, his translation works cover various sub-categories of Christian texts, ranging from theological texts like Bible commentaries to popular books like a biography of a Saint’s. Thirdly, he was one of the relatively-rare Korean translators of Christian texts in the first half of the 20’s century when approximately 70% of Christian translators were foreign nationality. From the perspective that considers BA translation is more proper in translation process, he certainly can be viewed as a proper translator of English-to-Korean translation since he was Korean. Lastly, compared to other Korean translators in Christian translation practice, he is exceptional in the volume of works and the consistency of dedication to the field. In the course of the study, the author defines the meaning of Christian texts, translation of Christian texts, and finally, a translator of Christian texts. Also, methodologically, the author proposes the bibliographical approach for the historical study of translation.

이 논문은 청일전쟁 중 조선정부가 일본으로 파견했던 보빙대사 의화군과 의정부도헌 유길준의 활동상을 새로 발굴한 자료에 입각하여 검토한 것이다. 1894년 10월14일 인천에서 출발한 보빙대사 일행은 전체 20명으로 구성되어 있었다. 이들은히로시마를 거쳐 도쿄까지 왕복하는 일정을 수행했다. 공식적인 사행을 마친 후일행은 11월 16일 귀국했다. 당시 보빙사행의 일본 내 일정과 일행들의 활동이나발언 등은 당시 일본신문에 다양하게 보도되었다. 여기서는 일본신문 기사, 보빙대사일행과 만난 일본인들이 남긴 서한이나 인터뷰, 유길준이 남긴 문답 기록 등을활용하여 구체적인 활동상을 살펴보았다. 왕족으로서는 처음 일본으로 건너갈 기회를 얻게 된 의화군은 각종 근대식 문물을 직접 둘러보았다. 이를 통해 조선도 앞으로 일본처럼 근대 문명의 길로 나아가야 한다고 인식했다. 일본어에 능숙했던 유길준은도일 후 일본 내 유력 정치가들과 접촉하면서 일본 정계의 분위기를 파악하고, 개혁을 추진 중이던 조선정부의 입장을 전달했다. 그는 조선이 독립국이라는 사실을일본 언론과의 인터뷰를 통해서도 적극적으로 표명했다. 다른 한편으로는 개혁 추진에 필요한 각종 정보를 조사, 수집하는 활동도 의욕적으로 수행했다. 유길준이 남긴기록으로서 『兪吉濬全書』에 수록되어 있는 「問答」은 사행을 마친 후 자신의 활동을총리대신 김홍집에게 보고하기 위해서 정치적 중요도에 따라 의도적으로 재구성하고 정서한 기록이었다. 본고에서는 유길준이 도일 후 활동한 내역에 입각해서 「問答」 이 이루어진 날짜와 지역을 구분했다.

明代心学大师王阳明的良知论中及其重要的思想之一为反对去孝出世，他认为孝就是良知，尽孝就是‘充是心’。这也是佛、道造诣颇深的王阳明被称为儒家圣人的标志。而此一思想早在唐代就已经由柳宗元提出，这比明代的王阳明早了600多年。这一思想主要反映在他被贬永州后的书信中反复提出的“传宗接代”上。他在永州住寺庙，修佛法，特别是洪州禅对他的文学创作，政治理想，生活理念都起到了重要的指导作用。他以此间创作的《巽公院五咏》中体现的“空无”，“平常心”，“无造作”以及“任心”的洪州禅旨来调整内心。同时还以儒家经典《周易·困卦》自我安慰以等待重返政坛的机会。他将佛教与儒教进行对比后认为佛儒同源，都是符合人之天性的，断绝夫妇父子之人伦是反自然的，即使入空门也无法进入空无境界。继而他得出佛教是对儒家修养心性的补充的结论。柳宗元对以儒家思想为基础形成的士族联姻的婚俗及法律的依从造成其后来有子无妻的事实正是其将洪州禅与儒家思想结合起来，形成以佛补儒的体现。这些书信和其婚姻体现了其积极入世及以传宗接代为人生之大的思想。柳宗元的此一思想是从其经历中得出的。虽与后世王阳明的角度不同，但结论是一致的，且都是对洪州禅运用的结果。以“传宗接代”为中心的“反对以去孝出世”思想即为柳宗元的“任心”而为的结果。“传宗接代”不仅是人的本能，更属于人之良知部分。马斯洛(Abraham Maslow)心理学证明了这一思想的合理性与必然性。在老龄化，低出生率的当今社会，指向人类未来的 “传宗接代”更显重要。

.

In traditional era, Du Yu's(杜預) Spring and Autumn footnotes was highly estimated as a logical and objective work by many scholars. Since the Tang dynasty, it was an official interpretation of Spring and Autumn. But in Nan-bei dynasties and Qing dynasty, there was a big controversial on his work. Not a few Qing scholars suspected that Du Yu had plagiarized Han scholars’, especially Fu Qian(服虔)’s, work. Still such suspicion was widely shared by current Spring and Autumn scholars. On the contrary, Du Yu himself ensured that his work was original one and different from Han scholars’ interpretation on Spring and Autumn. The main goal of this essay is to investigate and understand this opposing view. At first chapter, I showed Du Yu’s main principle how to understand the Spring and Autumn. In his ‘preface of Spring and Autumn’ (春秋左氏傳序), Du Yu stressed the understanding of ‘historical facts’, instead of Zuo Zhuan’s meaning, it made a new way to interpretate the ‘Spring and Autumn’, which generally recognised as the Sage’s teaching, more than a record of ‘facts’. Du Yu also made 20 cases footnotes of ‘regulations of description’(他皆放此), they mentioned the fact-focused way of interpretation. In second chapter, Jia Kui’s(賈逵) Zuo Zhuan interpretation was compared with Du-Yu’s one. In these investigation, at least 49 footnotes showed the different understanding of meaning of sentence. Du Yu’s new explanation caused from the ‘rational’ and ‘critical’ understanding of ‘facts’. In third chapter, moving to the comparison between Fu Qian’s and Du Yu’s work on Zuo Zhuan. Many Qing scholars argued that Du Yu had just succeeded the Fu Qian’s work or even plagiarized that. But on my examination, at least 110 footnotes showed Du Yu’s different understanding from Fu Qian’s one. Like the Jia Kui’s case, Du Yu’s new explanation based on the ‘rational’ and ‘critical’ understanding of ‘facts.’ It proved that Qing scholars suspicion on Du Yu’s work was too excessive and biased one. In fourth chapter, two characteristics of Du Yu’s work were explained. The first one is about the form of Du Yu’s interpretation. His work has a principal of interpretation, that is fact-focused way of understanding Spring and Autumn, which introduced at ‘preface of Spring and Autumn’ (春秋左氏傳序) and showed at 20 cases footnotes of ‘regulations of description’.(他皆放此) And 224 cases of general footnotes, description of cause-and-effect relationships (爲 … 傳/ 張本/ 起本), showed how the principle was working. Also 108 cases of brief comment (傳言) on the Zuo Zhuan stories could be added as a part of his form. In the Han scholars works, we could not find such systematic way of interpretation. The second feature of Du Yu’s work is about his way of thinking. ⑴ Jia Kui and Fu Qian’s footnotes generally support the powerful king’s authority, but in the Du Yu’s interpretation, state’s good order generally depended upon powerful bureaucrats. ⑵ Han scholars strongly expressed the China centric view in their footnotes, but Du Yu did not accept it. He took consider that the barbarians could be changed as China in ‘historical facts’. ⑶ Han scholars stressed the importance of natural calamities, they tried to unveil the political meaning of calamities records. Those way of thinking was prevailed in Han, but after Han more rational thought began to substitute such thought. Du Yu’s interpretation was an symbolic example of changing thought. So regard to the form and political thought, it could be said that Du Yu’s Spring and Autumn study was different from Han scholars work, it also reflected the new historical circumstances, occurred after the collapse of Han empire.

유완희 시인은 일제의 강압적인 통치 아래에서 신음하는 조선의 민중들을 발견하고 그들과 연대하는 시 세계를 추구했다. 특히 열악한 임금 및 노동 조건과 민족적인 차별로 인해 착취 받고 있는 노동자 계급과 함께했다. 유완희 시인이 작품 활동을 활발하게 전개한 1920년대 중반부터는 노동자들이 계급성을 자각해 자연발생적이고 분산적인 이전의 노동운동보다 조직적이고 위력적인 모습을 띠었다. 이 논문에서는 그의 「거지」,「享樂市場」, 「女職工」, 「街頭의 宣言」, 「民衆의 行列」, 「우리들의 詩」 등의 시작품을 통해 일제에 대항하는 면을 살펴보았다. 그동안 제대로 조명 받지 못한 유완희의 시 세계는 복원할 가치가 분명하다. 민중 계급의 등장을 발견하고 민중과의 연대를 추구한 유완희의 작품들은 일제강점기의 시 문학사에서, 특히 1920년대의 카프 시 형성에서 주목할 만한 것이다. 3․1운동의 실패에 따른 눈물과 애수와 어둠의 세계를 노래한 병적 낭만주의 시를 민족의 모순과 계급의 모순에 대한 자각을 통해 극복하려고 등장한 카프 시의 형성에 그 나름대로 기여한 것이다.

Yu Wan-hee was an important poet in the days when Korea was under the control of Japanese Imperialism. During that time, Yu Wan-hee and his works were well known, whereas, more recently it appears he has been forgotten. Therefore, this paper aims to rediscover Yu Wan-hee’s works on Japanese Imperialism. Yu Wan-hee was born in Yongin, Yeonggi-do and graduated from Gyeongseong Law College (now, Seoul National University Law College). He wrote some very advanced popular movement poems such as “Beggar,” “Enjoyment Market,” “Woman Factory Hand,” “Street Declaration,” “Parade of People,” and so on. Yu Wan-hee pursued resistance to Japan and pro-Japanese groups with Korean people, especially the working classes in order to gain national liberation in his poems. He realized that the liberation of Korea was possible by means of struggle against Japan and pro-Japanese groups through solidarity with Korean people. He sought for absolute freedom via the independence of Korea. That is why he actively opposed Japanese Imperialism. After the mid-1930s, the oppressive rule of the Japanese was strengthened. Japan invaded China and nations of Southeast Asia, displaying murderous and aggressive ways. During that time, Korean people's pain, anxiety, frustration, hopelessness, sadness, anger, and difficulties increased and worsened. However, the historical consciousness of Yu Wan-hee and Korean people simultaneously increased and strengthened. Yu Wan-hee was one of the national pride and popular psychology poets of that time. This paper aims to analyze the features found in the poems of Yu Wan-hee, for he was not only a prominent fighter for independence but also a successful poet, journalist, and literary critic during the Japanese colonial days. After the 3?1 Independence Movement, Yu Wan-hee accepted the struggle of the social classes and political conflict in order to acquire the national liberation in his poems. Yu Wan-hee recognized that the liberation of Korea was possible only by means of an intensive and conjoint struggle against the Japanese.

『삼국사기』 「최치원」 전에는 그가 신라의 왕경 출신이라고 기록되어 있다. 그러나 그의 출생과 생애 그리고 최후에 관해서는 김부식의 기록과는 다른 여러 종류의 이설들이 전해지고 있다. 이러한 이설들의 출현에는 다음과 같은 배경이 근거로 작용하였다. 첫째 근거는 그의 선조에 대한 기록이 없어졌다는 김부식의 표현이었고, 두 번째 근거는 『신증동국여지승람』 에 전해지는 그의 최후를 羽化登仙으로 표현한 기록이며, 셋째는 조선 후기에 등장한 소설 「최고운전」이 그의 생애에 대한 이설의 근거였다. 본고는 먼저 최치원의 생애에 관한 이설이 시작된 직접적인 연원으로 서유구의 「교인계원필경집서」를 주목하였다. 최치원이 옥구에서 출생했다는 설과 묘가 홍산에 있다는 설(墓在鴻山說)을 양산해 낸 여러 논고들을 살펴 본 결과, 다음과 같은 서유구의 주장에 근거를 둔 주장들이었다. 이 주장의 하나는 최치원의 출생과 가계에 대한 것으로, 그의 가계에 대한 기록에 그의 아버지와 형님이 모두 나오고 있어 그의 가계가 민멸되었다는 것은 그의 아버지와 형님이 왕의 측근에서 활동한 인물로 나오기 때문에 신빙성에 문제가 있다. 다음으로 그가 상선을 타고 유학가서 과거에 급제하였다는 주장에 대해서이다. 최치원은 경문왕에 의해 국가장학생으로 선발되어 당에 가서 급제하였다는 자신의 기록이 있으므로, 그의 이설은 근거를 제시하지 못한 주장이라고 할 수 있다. 마지막으로 그의 묘가 홍산에 있다는 설에 근거하여 홍산에서 생을 마쳤다는 이설에 대한 것이다. 홍산에 있는 이른바 최치원의 묘가 근래 발굴되어, 150년-200년을 전후하여 만들어진 무덤이라는 결론이 나왔으므로 사실상 그 주장의 근거가 사라졌다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 그는 벼슬을 버리고 방랑하다가, 해인사에서 은거한 삶을 살면서 저술로 소일하다가, 생을 마친 것으로 정리할 수 있을 것이다.

There was a great transformation after the Reform and Opening-up in China, and it brought the Chinese people huge affective and cultural changes as well as a rapid economical growth. In addition to that, the recent development of New media circumstance is accelerating that changes. Yu Hua 余華, one of the most important writer in contemporary China, published two novels, Brothers 兄弟(2005) and the Seventh Day 第七天(2013), in the 21st century and it caused big sensations and fierce controversies also, which was related to two keywords, absurdity 荒 誕 and cruelty 殘酷. This research explores the relationship between the controversies concerning the Yu Hua’s two novels and the recent social cultural changes in China in terms of affect. The polar division of the criticism on the recent two novels can be attributed to the social change and its subsequent affective one caused by the post-socialist transformation and the fragmentation of the individual.

This paper machine is not easy despite external circumstances and conditions the work Dan Jian Pian(膽劍篇) highlights the many efforts to try to attempt enhance spirit of the writer, not just a government policy through a megaphone want to re-evaluate and accept as a writer. Who were not familiar with the genre, but pulled his well-drawn conflict and contrast between the characters within a range that does not distort historical facts in the histories, within a range that does not handle its rule at the center of further points effort put your own voice is Dan Jian Pian(膽劍篇) the artistic genius who just a government-controlled literature in the context of being in a choking state of Cao Yu is giving me an evaluation is not accurate.

本文將以 「崑崙山」 與 「玉京山」 作為對比，分析神仙信仰與崑崙山神話，如何對於東晉以下的中國 道教產生深遠而關鍵的影響。 中國的戰國時期所逐漸形成的崑崙山信仰，建構了方士的仙鄉文化，而崑崙山作為中國古代神仙信仰 的宇宙聖山之 「原型」(archetype)，歷久未歇，甚至深深影響著魏晉以下道教的發展。特別值得注意的是， 東晉末期道教的靈寶經派所開創的 「太玄都玉京山」 的宗教神話，這個宗教神話雖然一開始是作為靈寶 經派的宇宙創世紀神話，但是卻演變成為後代一千多年道教信仰的終極核心——天界的聖都。而我們發 現道教信仰的天界聖都 「太玄都玉京山」 ，其原型卻是源自崑崙山。 本文將分別從方士的仙鄉與道教的聖都兩個信仰面向，比較崑崙山與玉京山這兩個方士神話與道教神 話的 「原型」 之異同，並進而廓清各自的信仰意旨。

The aim of this essay is a comparison of Mount Kun-Lun and Mount Yu-jing, to analyze the immortal beliefs in the myth of Kun-Lun. From which the crucial influence on Taoism since the Eastern Jin dynasty can be thoroughly examined. Mount Kun-Lun has been regarded as the archetype of the Saint Mount of universe in ancient Chinese immortal beliefs. It constructs the fairyland culture of Fang-Shih, strongly affects the development of Wai-Jin Taoism. It is worth contemplating that a religious creation myth-The capital Tai-Hsuan in Mount Yu-Jing-firstly appeared in Ling-Bao school in the late Eastern Jin dynasty which has become the ultimate core value of the Taoism beliefs over thousand years was originated from the Mount Kun-lun mythology. In order to clarify the different perspectives in these two types of myths, this research will present the study on the two aspects, meaning to compare the later fairyland culture and the archetype itself.

以《乡愁》诗歌闻名的台湾现代诗人余光中（1928～）写了百餘首美丽、前卫的爱情诗歌。这些诗作在歌咏纯情、精神爱情的绵长久远的同时，又大力赞扬肉體性爱。这两種迥然不同的风格都在他的诗作中得到了淋漓尽致的发挥。他精心采撷中国古典传统的意象和神话、典故、古典诗词的意境，来表现现代人生活裏爱情的忧愁和悲哀，创造了东方式的现代爱情。对于古代诗人李商隐、李贺、杜牧和英美诗人艾米莉⋅狄金森(Emily. Dickinson)、爱伦坡（E. A. POE）等古今中外的爱情诗作成功地进行了现代变用融合，达到中西合璧。他唯一的爱情诗集《莲的联想》30首，完成了诗人反对现代诗“全盘西化”而回归传统的“新古典主义诗学”主张。诗人活用传统“莲”的意象唤起的纯洁、美丽、具有东方女性美的中国文化原型，象徵超越时空限制、不问生死，身心合一、永恒轮回。同时，余光中在《情诗论》主张爱情原有靈與肉两面，由肉之门去看裸體的爱情，也不见得就不通。一些歌唱靈與肉之间的爱情诗歌，引起传播色情主义的“性爱诗”论战。他早期在现代主义影响下创作的《吐鲁番》和《火山带》等诗歌,受到英国玄学派诗人多恩(John Donne)、马维尔(Andrew Marvell)等影响，歌唱性爱的伟大，讽刺《经典》禁止性爱。随着诗人创作写实主义风格的变化，在《在冷战的年代》、《白玉苦瓜》诗集裏《雙人床》、《如果远方有战争》、《鹤嘴锄》等作品，则受到了奥登（W. H. Auden）、葉芝(W. B. Yeats)的影响，对比性爱和战争，象徵性就是生命和力量，重视人类生命保存。余光中创作了纯情和肉欲、感性和知性、情和理等相反性格成功但却浑然一體的爱情诗歌。诗人把在古今中外爱情诗中的女神或者被理想化的女性，比如曹植《洛神赋》里“甄宓”和但丁《神曲》中“彼特丽丝(Beatrice)”、“观音”、“天使”般的女人，比喻成诗人理想中美、爱、神三位一體的象徵。诗人通过爱情和女性，试图摆脱人间时空的生命界限，反对和控诉死亡战争等破壞人类高贵生命的行为，希望能维持合一永恒、尊重生命，人类和平。因此他的爱情诗在中国现代爱情诗歌史上占有独特的地位，典雅香馨，让人回味無穷。

.

本文旨在通过分析段玉裁对假借的观点，阐明段玉裁对本和非本的区分与其意义。段玉裁在≪说文解字注≫中提及了好几次的“假(叚)借”这个语言文字现象，而他的观点与一般的假借概念有所不同，如果用一般的假借概念去了解他说的假借，有的时候很难解释。语言学术语往往限定学习者的思维，因此有时候会引起误解。段玉裁注释里面应该有自己的脉络，如果了解他持有的基本观念，也可以解释出他自己的假借观。笔者认为为了了解段玉裁对假借的观点，需要了解他的“求本”观念。因为他作为对≪说文解字≫这本字书的注释家持有追究“本”的态度，还有区分“本”与“非本”的态度，结果两个字虽然在语义上是派生关系，但被段玉裁认为是假借关系。段玉裁所认为的“假借”就是包括某字不表示它本义的状况的。结果段玉裁说的假借跟一般的假借概念稍微不同，其包括的范围也更广。本文在资料梳理方面还缺少很多，这点有待补充。

The aim of this paper is to clarify the difference, comparing The Study ofSean O'casey, Yu Chijin's graduation thesis with Sean O'casey, A Dramatistand Former Laborer which published in The Joseonilbo, a newspaper and toexplain the reasons why he accepted Sean O'casey and the characteristics ofhis acceptance. Yu Chijin's graduation thesis consisted of two parts, Sean O'casey'sbiological introduction and the special features of his performance. He wrotethat since Sean O'casey supported Irish laborer classes actively, he came tosuffer oppression from Irish nationalists. He also made much of Juno and thePaycock as the work which described well the reality of laborer who was inthe sadness through farcical technique. In the article published in The Joseonilbo, Yu Chijin tried to explain SeanO'casey's special features from theatrical people's point of view who workedin colonized Chos?n. He explained that because Sean O'casey knew exactlyIrish audience's taste of drama, he gained high popularity and the farcicalelements of drama became his distinguishing characteristics. He alsoappreciated that Sean O'casey made the most of the case which didn't show inthe stage and succeeded in intensifying the theme of drama. The reasons why Yu Chijin accepted Sean O'casey had difference accordingto the time of acceptance. He was interested in Sean O'casey from theanarchistic point of view when he studied in the university of Rikkyo in Japan. At that time he judged Sean o'casey as the writer with the same viewpoint ashimself. After returning home, he gave attention to Sean O'casey's eminenttechniques of playwriting which insured easily the popularity of performance. It was because he thought of these techniques as the useful method of creationunder the Japanese censorship in colonized Chos?n. The acceptance like thiscame to have great influence on his drama. So Yu Chijin's 'Romantic Realismdrama' which he insisted in the late of 1930s was his own creating techniquesmade from Sean O'casey's characteristics.