Earticle

本稿的目的有二:第一, 以中國現當代學術史的視角梳理一九五八年以來余英時對陳寅恪晚年詩文的解釋以及有關討論的社會意義. 第二, 以文學研究方法論的立場探討余英時對陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的學術意義. 本論第一部分主要討論余英時一九五八年文章<陳寅恪論再生緣書後>之學術與社會意義. 據余英時的分析, 我們將《論再生緣》的宗旨可視為“針對當時社會沒有‘自由之思想’而提倡自由思想之意義”. 本論第二部分主要討論余英時一九八三年文章<陳寅恪的學術精神和晩年心境>之學術與社會意義. 據余英時的分析, 我們將《柳如是別傳》的宗旨可視為“針對當時社會沒有‘獨立之精神’而提倡知識份子獨立精神之意義”. 本稿的結論有三:第一, 關於陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的討論其實與中華人民共和國的文化正統性問題有密切關係, 此便係這場討論的外部背景. 第二, 關於陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的討論其實與在中國大陸自由主義勢力的伸張有密切關係, 此便係這場討論的內部背景. 第三, 《論再生緣》與《柳如是別傳》皆可視為以學術精神與社會批判相融合的具有特殊意義的學術著作.

This paper focused on Qing(情) and Yu(欲) in Songci(宋詞). Qing is platonic love or attachment, Yu is sexual desire. In this paper, I regarded ChiQing(癡情) as a main part of Qing(情) in Songci(宋詞), and mentioned lust(好色) as Yu(欲). Songci as a main poetry in chinese traditional literature, it has strong lyricism, but it also has lust as well. In other words, Songci has moderate Qing as a chinese traditional poetry, but it also has lust that had seldom mentioned in chinese traditional ancient poetry. Generally speaking, the describing of sexual desire in chinese literature is thought to have originated in the novels of Ming and Qing Dynasties. But Songci has described lust and sexual desire very plainly. So it has a very special and significant meaning from the view of sexual love and relations between men and women in chinese ancient literature. In particular, Liuyong(柳永)’s poetry is full of expressions of natural sincerity and love and desire in unity.

이 글은 박세당의 글씨첩인 「西溪遺墨」을 통해 朴世堂(1629~1703)이란 한 學人의생생한 삶의 모습을 미시적 관점에서 분석한 것이다. 「西溪遺墨」(보물제1674호)은 박세당의 여러 서첩 중에서도 문화사적 가치가 가장 돋보일 뿐만 아니라 李正臣(1660~1727)이란 門人과의 대화첩이라는 점에 또 다른 특징이 있다. 특히 여기에 수록된 서간의 대부분은 『西溪集』에도 수록되지 않은 유일한 원본이라는 점에서도 자료적 가치가 자못 특별하다. 박세당의 학자·관료로서의 면모는 여러 글을 통해 논의되었지만 정작 한 시대를 주도하며 석학 또는 정치가로 일컬어지는 역사적 존재의 삶의 구체적 모습들을 세밀하게 분석한 것은 드물다. 이 점에서 이 글은 박세당 뿐만 아니라 조선후기 양반 사대부들의 생활인으로서의 모습에 한 걸음 더 다가서는 계기가될 것으로 기대한다.

This is the writing to describe the lively scenes of life of Park Sedang in detail through Seo-gyeo-yu-muk (Treasure No. 1674). Seo-gyeo-yu-muk has the most historical and cultural value among several specimens of handwriting of Park Sedang. Also it has another feature that it is the dialogue with the disciple called Lee Jungshin. In particular, most of letters, which are contained in this writing, are the unique original document that are not even included in the collection of Park Sedang’s works; thus, it is a valuable data. In addition, its contents are trivial and intimate so that it was not included in the collection Park Sedang’s works. The aspect of Park Sedang as a scholar and public officer, which was represented by politics and ideology, has been discussed through several writings; however, there have been only few that analyzed from the microscopic viewpoint the concrete figure of his life in terms of historical existence, which was heralded as a great scholar or politician as leading an era. In this regard, it is expected that this writing will be an opportunity to get one step closer to the scene of living character of yangban literati during the late Joseon dynasty as well as Park Sedang.

서유구의 이름은 有榘, 자가 準平인데, 그 이름과 자는 匠人들이 사용하는 도구인 곱자와 수준기를 의미한다. 「고공기」는 13경의 하나인 『주례』의 여섯 번째 편명으로, 중국 고대 장인들의 기술서이다. 서유구는 글공부를 하던 시절 「고공기」를 애호하여 ‘대장부의 글’이라고 하였고, 박제가의 『북학의』에 서문을 쓴 조부 서명응 또한 「고공기」를 숙독하였던 것으로 판단된다. 또 청대 고증학의 유행과 함께 중국과 조선의 일부 지식인들은 「고공기」를 중국 진나라 이전의 거의 유일한 과학기술서로 주목하여 왔다. 필자가 보기에 이러한 사실들은 작게는 서유구 집안의 학문적 지향을 대변해 주는 것임과 동시에, 크게는 조선후기 실학의 추이와 관심사를 단적으로 보여주는 현상이 아닌가 여겨진다. 본고는 이러한 생각에서 서유구를 중심으로 서유구와 「고공기」, 「고공기」의 체재와 그에 얽힌 논란들, 그리고 「고공기」에 대한 조선 지식인들의 평가에 대해 고찰해 본 것이다. 그 생각들을 정리해보면, 「고공기」는 세 가지 측면에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것으로 판단된다. 첫째, 「고공기」는 그 문체가 古文의 모범을 보여준다는 점이다. 둘째, 「고공기」는 고대의 과학기술을 수록하였다는 점에서 西器中國源流說의 근거가 된다는 점이다, 셋째, 「고공기」는 조선후기 실학자들의 과학기술에 대한 연구를 사상적으로 뒷받침하고 있다는 점이다. 특히 이 점은 당시 실학의 주요 경향이었던 북학론 내지는 이용후생학과 무관하지 않은데, 박제가의 『북학의』와 정약용의 「기예론」 등이 이러한 경향과 궤를 같이 하고 있다. 이러한 점에서 서유구를 비롯한 여러 실학자들에게서 보이는 「고공기」에 대한 관심은 비록 그것이 서기동양원류설의 사상적 배경이 되기도 했지만, 동양의 옛 경전 안에서 이용후생의 과학기술을 찾으려는 노력의 산물이라고 할 수 있다.

『晝永編』은 鄭東愈의 만년 저작으로 經學, 禮學, 文學으로부터 風俗과 自然學에 이르는 다양한 분야의 주제를 다루고 있다. 『주영편』은 정동유의 대표적인 저술로 그의 학문과 사상을 이해하는 기초적이고 귀중한 자료임과 동시에 18세기 후반에서 19세기 초에 이르는 조선후기 학계의 변동 상황을 엿볼 수 있는 저술로서 의미가 크다. 『주영편』을 관통하는 일관된 학문 방법론은 일종의 實證主義라고 할 수 있다. 정동유는 ‘考實’, ‘據實’, ‘依據’의 가치를 중시했고, 國故와 같은 중요한 사안의 典據에 대해서는 상세히 辨析해야 한다고 강조했다. 아울러 그는 의미 없는 말이나 근거 없는 주장[無根之說], 억지로 끌어다 붙이는 주장[傅會之說]에 대해 비판적이었다. 정동유는 曆象論, 定朔法 등에서 독창적인 견해를 제시했고, 서양의 地球說을 수용했으며, 潮汐의 발생 원리에 대해서도 자기 나름의 비판적 견해를 제기하였다. 그는 당시 유행하고 있던 天主敎를 이단으로 간주했으며, 풍수지리설과 같은 미신과 술수에 대해서도 비판하였다. 이처럼 정동유는 자연인식에서도 기존의 학설에 얽매이지 않고 학습과 견문, 경험을 바탕으로 자신의 독자적인 견해를 제기하였다.

Juyeongpyeon is one of Jeong Dong-yu’s books in his later years of life, which covers various fields of subjects including not only gyeonghak(classical studies), yehak(study of ritual), and literature, but also a custom and natural science. Juyeongpyeon which is the most outstanding book by Jeong is the basic and important source to understand his study and thoughts. At the same time, it is valuable because it shows changes in the academia of the late Joseon dynasty from the late 18th century to the early 19th century. The methodology used in Juyeongpyeon is a kind of positivism. Jeong considers that proving facts and arguing based on facts are important. Concerning the issues related to national scholarships and culture, he emphasizes that citations grounded on those issues need to be distinguished and analyzed in detail. In addition, he is critical of arguments without meaning or basis, and of farfetched insistence. Jeong Dong-yu provides original views on the theory of astronomy and calendrical science and the law of calculating the first lunar day. He also adopts the Western idea of round earth, and presents his own critical views on the theory of tide. He regards Catholicism as heresy, and criticizes superstition and trickery such as Feng-Shui geomancy. As such, Jeong was not bound by previous theories, but asserted his original views on understanding nature based on his study, knowledge, and experience.

This paper has its focus on the backgrounds and essence of Korean Patriot Yu, Gwan Sun's patriotism and patriotic behavior. The conclusion of this paper can be summarized as following. There are three characteristics in Yu, Gwan Sun's patriotism and patriotic behavior. Firstly, it can be said that one characteristic of the Yu, Gwan Sun's patriotism is her supreme intelligence. And her supreme intelligence is formed by the influence of her family, especially her father. Secondly, it can be said that Yu, Gwan Sun's preeminent piety for the universal truth and the God is another characteristic of the Yu, Gwan Sun's patriotism. And her piety for the universal truth and the God is formed through her sincere life as a christian. Thirdly, it can be said that Yu, Gwan Sun's sense of justice also made the basis of her patriotism and patriotic behavior. And her strong sense of justice is formed through her belief of history and its advance. Lastly, if we do not know what is basis of Yu, Gwan Sun's patriotism, we cannot teach effectively her patriotism and patriotic behavior to the growing future generations.

본 연구는 유길준과 그의 스승이며 미국의 저명한 진화론자인 에드워드 모스(1838-1925)와의 사상적 교류를, 보관된 1884년부터 1897년까지의 유길준의 영문편지와 모스의 사회진화론적 한국문명 비평 논문인<Korean Interviews>(1897)를 중심으로 하여, 한국 근대 정치사상사의 문맥에서 밝혀보자는 것이다. 근대과학의 확립으로 메이지 일본 근대화에 지대한 영향력을 끼쳤던 모스가, 동시기에 일본과 미국에서 유학 했던 유길준에게 과연 어떠한 사상적 영향을 끼쳤는가에 대한 사상사적 연구는 아직 연구된 바 없는 주제이다. 모스는 다윈의 생물학적 진화론의 지지자인 동시에, 한국에서의「유교문명」과「중국지배」는「부적자 생존(unfittestsurvival)」과「비자연선택(unnatural selection)의 비참한 결과」이므로「유교문명」과「중국지배」를 벗어나야 한다는 사회진화론적 문명론자이기도 하였다. 유길준 역시 모스로부터의 직접적인 지도, 다윈과 스펜서의 사회진화론이 상당한 영향을 미치기 시작했던 19세기후반의일본과 미국의 유학, 그의 저술에 나타난 사회진화론적문명관, 동시대의 미국 유학생과 달리 기독교로 개종하지 않은 점 등으로 그는 분명 초기 사회진화론의 한국최초 수용자였음이 분명하다. 또한 1880년대 초기 미국의 민주주의를 직접 체험할 기회를 가진 그는 효과적인 정치참여방법으로서의 선거, 투표, 정치적 평등이 보장되는 민주적 정치체제와 그 토대가 되는 분별력 공공정신 독립심과 같은 국민성을, 그가 개혁관료로서 주도한 가산관료체제에서 근대적인 합리적 법행정체제로의 이행을 위한 갑오개혁에 투영하였음을 알 수 있다.

This research traces the origins of ideological exchange between Yu Gil-chun and Edward S Morse, the famous America’Þs evolutionist, by their recorded correspondence from 1884 to 1897 and an article <Korean Interview> in the context of the history of modern political thoughts in Korea. How Morse influenced his student Yu, who studied in early Meiji Japan at a time when Morse’Anthropology of Archeological population heavily influenced Meiji modernization, is a new ideological research topic. Morse was biological evolutionist and social Darwinist at the same time as he argued in <Korean Interview> that in order for Korea to become one of the “efittest”and survive the process of “Þnatural selection,”Korea had to escape from “eConfucianism”and “ÞChina’es domination,”since “ÞConfucianism”and “eChina’Þs domination”rendered the country “eunfit”for “Þnatural selection.”Also Yu Kil-chun was directly influenced by Morse because he and studied in Japan and the U.S., where Darwin and Spencer’es social Darwinism were highly influential in the 19th century. As social Darwinistic thinking in his writings and the fact that he did not convert to Christianity differ from other foreign students in the U.S. demonstrate, it is certain that he was the first adaptor of social Darwinism in Korea. Also, he showed his willingness to adopt America’Þs Democratic political system that guarantees election, which is effective participation, and political equality.

본고는 서유구가 『임원십육지』를 편찬한 학문적 배경을 파악하기 위해 작성되었다. 본문에서 이를 세 가지로 구분했는데, 家學의 계승, 正祖대의 규장각 활동, 관리 생활이 그것이다. 서유구는 조부인 徐命膺과 生父인 徐浩修의 학문을 계승했다. 서명응는 『本史』, 『攷事新書』, 『攷事十二集』, 서호수는 『海東農書』와 같은 農書와 類書가 있었는데, 서유구는 이들의 편찬 과정에 참여하거나 이를 정리하면서 가학의 전통을 계승했고, 『임원십육지』에도 그 성과를 반영했다. 서유구는 정조대에 규장각의 초계문신과 각신으로 활동하며 국가적 편찬 사업에 참여했고, 규장각에 소장된 국내외 서적들을 참고하며 학문적으로 성장할 수 있었다. 서유구는 특히 정조의 策問에 답하면서 역대의 經說을 집성한 『十三經傳說』과 역대의 농서를 집성한 새로운 농서를 편찬하자고 했는데, 이는 『朱子全書』와 『農書大全』을 편찬하려던 정조의 구상과도 일치하는 제안이었다. 그런데 정조대의 규장각 편찬 사업에는 서명응, 서호수, 서형수가 주도적 역할을 담당했으므로, 서유구의 규장각 활동은 가학의 연장선에서 파악할 수도 있다. 서유구는 중앙과 지방의 관리로 활동하면서 현장에서 다양한 경험을 습득했다. 19세기에 들어와 서유구는 관직에 나아갔다 물러나기를 반복했는데, 지방관으로서의 경험이 『임원십육지』에 반영되고, 『임원십육지』의 성과가 다시 현장에 반영되는 과정이 그의 만년까지 계속되었다. 서유구의 『임원십육지』가 탄생한 배경에는 이외에도 중국과 조선의 類書 전통, 林園 생활의 경험을 고려할 수 있다. 그러나 필자는 이상의 세 가지 요소가 『임원십육지』가 편찬되는 중요한 배경이 되었다고 생각한다.

This paper aims to examine Seo Yu-gu's academic background on which he could write Imwon-sipyukji, the encyclopedia for a farm life in 113 volumes. In this paper, I introduced three factors : his family's learning, his academic activities in Kyujanggak Royal Archives, his activities as a government official. Seo Yu-gu had succeeded grandfather Seo Myung-eung and father Seo Ho-su's learning. His gandfather and father had written many agricultural books and allied books. Seo Yu-gu participated in editing these books and quoted his family's academic products in Imwon-sipyukji. Seo Yu-gu participated in the national editing activities guided by King Jeongjo as a government official of Kyujanggak Royal Archives. Seo proposed to compile a complete books on Chinese classics of Confucianism and agriculture, his proposal agreed with King Jeong's plan in the end. In that time, Seo Myeong-eung, Seo Ho-su and Seo Hyeong-su had leaded Kyujanggak editing activities under the reign of King Jeongjo, Seo Yu-gu's academic activities in Kyujanggak was connected with his family's learning closely. Seo Yu-gu had a wide experience when he serviced as a cental government official or a local government official. He appointed and retired repeatedly in the 19th century, he put his official experience into editing Imwon-sipyukji and put his agricultural learning into ruling his service area until he died in 1845. Beside these factors, I can introduce the tradition of the allied books in China and Chos?n or his experience of living in the country. But I think these three factors were the principal academic background in which Seo Yu-gu could compile Imwon-sipyukji.

宣祖朝 校正廳本 經書諺解書는 그 동안의 우리 諺解史 경험에 바탕하되 당대 經學의 연구성과를 총괄적으로 집약한 16세기 후반 조선 경학의 최고 결정판이다. 교정청의 경서언해 연원은 선조가 재위 7년 柳希春에게 四書부터 유교경전의 吐釋을 詳定하라 命한 데서 출발한다. 眉巖 柳希春은 선조 초반 精博한 학문으로 君王을 輔導한 經筵의 핵심 인물이었다. 선조는 進講 활동과 다양한 저술에서 보여준 그의 재능을 아끼고 신임하여, 미암에게 官撰의 경서언해를 맨 처음 맡긴 것이다. 미암은 훌륭한 암기력으로 각종 서적을 두루 섭렵한 博學君子였는데, 그의 학문의 가장 큰 특징은 항상 朱子를 大聖으로 신봉한다는 점이다. 朱子 尊信은 당시의 일반적인 현상이었지만, 미암의 尊朱子 학풍은 尊信에 尊信을 더하는 매우 유별난 침잠이었다. 따라서 그는 朱子註에 철저히 입각하여 유교경전의 口訣과 諺釋을 상정했을 것으로 판단된다. 그런데 미암은 자신의 論說만을 고집하는 경직성을 버리고, 諸家의 衆說을 최대한 수렴하여 오류 없는 定本 언해를 만들고자 애썼다. 통합과 절충을 위한 그의 노력은 不斷했는데, 그 중 退溪의 經說을 가장 신뢰하여 힘써 수용하였고, 栗谷의 학문을 선조에게 천거하여 경서언해의 王命이 하달되도록 매개하였다. 경학 연구에 朱子의 『集註』가 기본 텍스트였던 것은 시대적 추세였지만, 미암을 거치면서 『집주』로의 경전해석 집약은 더욱 확고한 경향으로 자리잡은 것 같다. 朱子를 가치 표준으로 삼되 諸說을 절충한 미암의 언해는 선조 18년 교정청의 경서언해에 습합되어, 교정청도 諸書와 諸說을 商確한 뒤 주자학에 입각한 하나의 특정 해석을 공식화하였다.

>Ling Mengchu and Li Yu are all great masters of NiHuaBen. Compared with Feng Menglong’s San Yan, Ling Mengchu’s Liang Pai was more original. It was the first time that NiHuaBen had been assembled to a book. At first, as a new style, NiHuaBen is vigorous but with the time went , it became more and more stiff. Li Yu inherited and reformed the NiHuaBen style moulded by Liang Pai , and made a breakforth of the development of the NiHuaBen.Because of the influence of history books, many of the former novels of China were objectively transcribe the real people or stories. For writers, the works was only one-dimensional objective world. In Ming dynasty, the first-classical scholars participated in collecting and reorganizing SongYuanNiHuaBen and they simulated its style to write NiHuaBen. The scholars brought their emotions into the works. FengMenglong’s San Yan had made an important stride in injecting writer’s emotion. After this, LingMengchu’s mentalities were showed projecting in Liang Pai. In Ling’s works, the writer’s consciousness and mentality was still expressed unconsciously. LiYu directly inherited and developed LingMengchu’s style and his ideas and should could be seen everywhere in his works. From LingMengchu to LiYu, writer’s emotion in NiHuaBen was developed from projecting to rising.As far as novel theory was concerned, LingMengchu firstly put forward that writer should write “the rare of mediocrity” (yong chang zhi qi), but his works was contradictory with his theory. It was LiYu who inherited his idea and successfully applied it to writing. LiYu’s works came from real life and he rarely used ghosts to propel his plot. Li regarded “original” as alternative name of “strange” and posed demanding request of the writer.

Yu Il Seon(柳一宣) is a person who actively engaged in pro-Japanese activities in Japanese colonial period. However, regardless of his pro-Japanese activities, he was an indispensable person in the history of mathematics education in Korea and was a pioneer in the field of secondary school mathematics education from the end of the Korean Empire(大韓帝國) to the beginning of Japanese colonial period(日帝强占期). In this study misleading information about Yu Il Seon and his activities in the field of mathematics education is corrected or supplemented. It is known that he graduated from the Tokyo College of Science(東京物理學校), but it does not appear to be true. <The Surihak Japji(數理學雜誌, Magazine of mathematics and Science)> is known to have been published up to the 8th issue, but it seems that the 9th to 10th issues have also been published. He wrote three mathematics textbooks and proofread three mathematics textbooks. The Jeongrisa(精理舍) is known to have been operating until 1912, but it was actually operated until early 1913. It does not appear to be true that journalist Jang Ji yeon graduated from the Jeongrisa.

This study undertakes a comprehensiveexamination of Yu Deuk-gong's prose writings in order to assess hisintellectual position within The Silhak(實學) tradition. Although Yu Deuk-gong was primarily a man of letters whodemonstrated his literary talent through classical Chinese poetry rather thanthrough orthodox prose, his prose corpus—if thus defined—necessarily encompasses works such as 󰡔Goun-dang Pilgi󰡕(古芸堂筆記), 󰡔GyeongdoJapji󰡕(京都雜志), and 󰡔Yeolha Gihaeng Siju󰡕(熱河紀行詩註), which belong to the genres of Pilgi(筆記) and historical-geographicalwritings. The present study classifies and analyzes these texts under threethematic categories: customs, script and language, and history and geography. In the study of customs, Yu Deuk-gongmay be said to have virtually "invented" the field, having opened adistinctly independent domain of inquiry. By extending his examination ofcustoms beyond the central and provincial contexts of Joseon to include theKorean Peninsula and the Manchurian region as a single cultural sphere of customs,he secured an objective horizon for the understanding of Korean customs. Such adiscovery and structuring of customs represents another significant facet of The Silhak tradition that Yu Deuk-gong helped to pioneer. In therealm of script and language, Yu Deuk-gong, while fundamentally emphasizingthe value of his own nation's script, discerned a linguistic affinity betweenthe Korean language and those of the northern regions, thereby postulating theexistence of a shared linguistic sphere. This perspective constitutes adistinctive feature that sets him apart from the group of contemporary scholarswho engaged in the study of language and writing during his time.In regard to history and geography, these themes have long been the focus ofextensive scholarly discussion. In this study, rather than concentrating onsystematic historical works such as 󰡔Balhaego󰡕(渤海考) or 󰡔Sagunzi󰡕(四郡志), attentionis directed toward fragmentary cases found within Yu Deuk-gong's collections ofmiscellaneous writings pilgi, therebyapproaching the subject from a different analytical perspective. The findingsreveal that Yu Deuk-gong's historical thought sought to reconstruct a Goguryeo-centeredhistory, situating its temporal and spatial framework in the regions of Goguryeo and Liaodong. His geographical concern, meanwhile, was oriented towardthe internal borderlands and territorial boundaries, aiming to reorganize themfor purposes of practical utility. Consequently, it may beconcluded that Yu Deuk-gong, through his investigations into customs, language,and history, sought to connect Joseon's culture not only within its internalframework but also with that of the northern regions, thereby constructing arelative cultural sphere that transcended geographic and political boundaries.His perspective, in this regard, was grounded in a culturally relativisticperspective, recognizing the coexistence of multiple cultural systems. The key characteristics of YuDeuk-gong's prose lie in the fact that, although certain elements of iyong(利用) are not entirely absent, his orientation differs considerably fromthat of the Iyong Husaeng(利用厚生) group—figures such as PakChi-won(朴趾源) and Pak Je-ga(朴齊家)—whotook social reform and the betterment of people's livelihoods as their centralconcerns. Rather, Yu's prose writing is characterized by a rigorous pursuit offactual truth through meticulous textual verification and dialecticalreasoning. This scholarly tendency aligns more closely with the Silsagusi(實事求是) tradition that later coalesced around Kim Jeong-hui(金正喜). Although further study is needed, theconclusion of this discussion is that Yu Deuk-gong occupied a precursoryposition within that Silsagusi intellectual lineage.