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In this essay, I focused on <Yu-Hyo-Gong-Sun-Hang-Lok>. Especially, I examined two features of the formation of a hero, Yu-Youn. First, there are frequent narrator descriptions. They repeatedly estimate the hero as a promising character. Judging from this, we can assent to the acting of the prime mover; show his parents every attition(filial piety) and has brotherliness. But the hero, Yu-Youn, isn't entirely positive character. Second, the hero is described as a person who has an eldest son complex. He doubts his father(Yu Juong-Kyeng유정경) and his brother(YU Hong유홍), because they are restricted with hypocrisy of patriarchy. In short, we can confirm that superficially the authoritative narrator seems to describe the hero as a promising man, but substantially the hero is a protector of patriarchal order.

이 논문은 그동안 알려진 바 없는 유치환의 생애와 사상적, 정치적 면모를 새롭게 발굴하여, 유치환 시의 이론적 근거와 새로운 시적 가능성을 제시하고자 했다. 그동안 아나키스트로서 유치환의 생애와 문학에 대한 연구는 명확한 근거를 제시하지 못함으로써 논의를 확장시키지 못했다. 본 논문은 단주 유림이 주도하여 창당한 독립노농당과 유치환 사이의 관계 등을 밝힘으로써, 유치환의 생애와 문학에 나타난 아나키즘적 특성을 파악하고자 했다. 또한 유치환이 교장으로 재직한 바 있는 안의중학교의 설립 배경 등 그동안 알려지지 않았던 새로운 사실을 밝힘으로써, 유치환의 아나키스트로서의 자의식을 실증적으로 제시했다. 따라서 본 연구는 이와 같은 새로운 사실을 통해 유치환의 시를 아나키즘적 관점에서 파악할 수 있는 근거를 제시하게 된다. 아울러 아나키즘과 관련한 기존 연구의 불명확한 부분과 오류를 수정할 수 있는 단초를 마련하게 될 것이다. 또한 본 연구를 통해 처음 밝혀지는 유치환의 생애적, 역사적 증거를 통해, 유치환 시의 친일 논쟁은 새로운 국면과 마주하게 된다. 유치환은 아나키즘을 단순한 관심 차원에서 피상적으로 인식하거나 받아들인 것이 아니라, 현실 정치와의 연계를 통해 아나키스트로서의 자의식을 확고하게 드러낸 시인이었다. 따라서 유치환 시에 대한 연구는 보다 확실한 근거를 통해 아나키즘과의 관련성을 파악하고 제시할 필요가 있다. 그 이유는 유치환의 작품을 아나키즘 시로 분석하느냐 아니냐에 따라 그 의미와 가치 등이 전혀 다르게 파악될 수 있기 때문이다. 유치환은 아나키스트로서 확고한 사상적, 정치적 입장을 지니고 있었을 뿐만 아니라, 유치진, 유치상 등의 형제들과 함께 아나키즘 현실 정당인 독립노농당의 당원으로 활동하기도 했다. 독립노농당은 단주 유림이 주도하여 창당한 정당으로, 아나키즘을 현실 사회에 실현시키고자 했던 실천적인 아나키즘 현실 정당이었다. 또한 유치환은 단주 유림과 하기락 등을 비롯한 당대의 아나키스트들과도 긴밀하게 교류했으며, 앞에서도 언급한 바처럼 아나키스트들이 주축이 되어 설립한, 아나키즘을 중요한 교육 이념으로 삼았던 안의중학교 교장으로 재직하기도 했다. 그동안 유치환 시에 대한 아나키즘적 분석이 일부 이루어져 왔지만 합당한 근거를 제시하지는 못했다. 본 논문에서 제시하는 실증적 증거와 주장을 통해 유치환 시의 아나키즘적 특성은 근거를 마련할 수 있게 될 것이다. 아나키즘 문학은 아나키즘이 지향하는 바를 구현하고자 한다는 점에서 확고한 사상적 기반을 토대로 창작되는 경우가 많다. 아나키즘 문학은 언제나 아나키즘이 지향했던 세계와 합일에 이르는 순간을 희망한다. 아나키즘 문학에 있어서 아나키즘은 단순히 취향과 지향에 대한 문제라기보다, 사상적 신념과 실천의 장으로서 기능한다. 그런만큼 아나키즘 문학을 파악하는 데 있어서 작가의 아나키스트로서의 실천 의지와 사상적, 정치적 입장은 작품을 분석하는 데 있어서 중요한 요소일 수밖에 없다. 그런 점에서 아나키스트로서의 유치환의 면모를 새롭게 밝히는 일은 문학사적으로 매우 중요한 것이라고 할 수 있다.

This study suggests the theoretical basis and new poetic possibility of Yu Chi-hwan's poems by discovering his life and ideological and political aspects, which have to this point not been examined. Until now, the studies on life and literature of the poet as an anarchist have been controversial because the appropriate grounds were not presented. By revealing the relationship between Yu Chi-hwan and Independent Labor Peasants Party formed by Danju Yurim, this study aimed to comprehend the correlations of Yu Chi-hwan's life and anarchism appearing in his literature. In addition, the study revealed some previously unknown facts such as the foundation background of Anui Middle School, in which he worked as a principal, so his sense of identity as an anarchist was empirically suggested. Therefore, this study will become not only a basis of understanding of his poems in a different way but also a key to correcting uncertain parts and errors of existing studies. Further, through the proof of his life and the history that this study reveals, new theories of his poems can be presented in the arguments regarding pro-Japanese. Yu didn't recognize or accept anarchism superficially for simple interest, but firmly revealed his sense of identity as an anarchist in the connection of realistic politics. Thus, the study on his poems needs to be comprehended and suggest the correlations with anarchism through a solid basis, as the themes and meanings of poetic diction can be interpreted differently depending on whether his literature is analyzed with or without the view of anarchism. Not only did Yu have firm ideological and political positions as an anarchist, but he also acted as a member of the Independent Labor Peasants Party, the realistic party of anarchism, with Yu Chi-jin and Yu Chi-sang, his brothers. The Independent Labor Peasants Party, formed by the lead of Danju Yurim, was the practical realistic party that tried to realize anarchism in real society. Yu Chi-hwan closely interacted with anarchists of the day including Danju Yurim and Ha Gi-rak, and worked as a principal of Anui Middle School, which was founded by anarchists and whose important education ideal was anarchism, as mentioned above. The poems of Yu Chi-hwan couldn't present proper basis despite the fact that the anarchism analysis was conducted on his poems. Through the empirical proof and argument that this study suggests, the anarchism characteristics of his poems can have basis. Anarchism literature tends to be created based on the firm ideological foundation in that it realizes what anarchism pursues. Therefore, anarchism literature always hopes for the moment of meeting the world that anarchism pursues. The anarchism in anarchism literature rather functions as the venue of firm belief and practice than the problem of simple taste and pursuit, Which is why authors' practice will and ideological, political positions as anarchists are important elements in comprehending anarchism literature. In that sense, it is important in literature history to shed new light on the aspect of Yu Chi-hwan as an anarchist.

This paper is intended to reveal Yu xin’s literary style and his literary feature, through the analysis of Yu xin’s poetry on the base of under- standing Du fu’s intention of poetic comment “qing xin yu kai fu”. The clear-fresh style evokes vivid and new impressions by euphonizing lines of verse, and by using a number of expressive techniques in his poetry. The splendid-sensuous style is the output of combination of his clear- fresh style and romantic passion. The mature-with-age style is the result of union between his clear-fresh style and true feelings, like lamentation over the national ruin, anguish of defection and the thinking of fatherland in his later years. Therefore the clear-fresh style is the dominant literary style in his poetry and the core of his literature.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the establishment and management of Guan Yu Shrines in Ganghwa following the popularity of Guan Yu worship during the King Gojong’s Era. Guan Yu, a general during the Weijin Northern and Southern dynasties in China, was introduced to Joseon by Ming generals during the Japanese invasions of Korea. Afterwards, Guan Yu was used by the kings of Joseon as a symbol of military service and loyalty. During King Gojong’s Era, the Guan Yu worship was popular thanks to royal support. During King Gojong’s Era, shamans were involved in the establishment of Guan Yu Shrines. Guan Yu was elevated from ‘King’ to ‘Emperor’. The Guan Yu worship spread to the provinces, and Guan Yu Shrines were also built in the provinces. In particular, it is unique that three of them were built in Ganghwa, they still exist. Nevertheless, Guan Yu Shrines in Ganghwa have never been properly studied. Guan Yu Shrines in the Ganghwa began with the southern shrine in 1884, followed by the eastern shrine(1885) and the northern shrine(1892), all built within 1km. The southern shrine was founded by Oh Sang-joon, and the northern shrine was founded by Yoon Hee-bo, and these were officials. The eastern shrine was founded by a civilian named Mrs. Ma. But the management costs were paid by the government office. The reason why so many Guan Yu Shrines were built in Ganghwa in such a short period of time is because the Ganghwa became important for national defense in the late 19th century. Foreign soldiers invaded Ganghwa, demanding the opening of ports. Therefore, many military organizations were established and many military personnel gathered in Ganghwa to work there. The soldiers needed a religious place. Therefore, Guan Yu Shrines were built and operated with the support of the government office. In addition, in this paper, it was found that the establishment of the Guan Yu Shrines in the Ganghwa were closely related to the Musangdan(無相壇), the first Taoist denomination in the late Joseon Dynasty. Seo Nan-gyeong, who wrote the signboard of the eastern shrine, was a key member of the Musangdan. However, the trend of Guan Yu worship was short-lived. In 1907, King Gojong’s forced abdication and the dissolution of the Korean Empire's military were announced. After the annexation of Korea and Japan in 1910, groups related to Taoism were dispersed by the Japanese. The Guan Yu Shrines in the Ganghwa, which faced a crisis due to the loss of its supporters, became a place of shamanism. Recently, Guan Yu Shrines have lost its role as a shaman shrine as many shamans have died of old age. Interest and support are needed to preserve shrines. This study examined the process by which the Guan Yu worship, which was popular in the royal family in the late Joseon Dynasty, spread to the provinces, led to the establishment of Guan Yu Shrines in the provinces, and changed the role of Guan Yu Shrines in a chaotic era. This paper is meaningful in that it introduces the Guan Yu Shrines in Ganghwa, and is expected to be helpful in various studies in the future.

This paper was conducted to clear historical implications of the Korean special education showed in the 「Seo Yu Kyun Mun(西遊見聞)」(1985) by Yu Kil-Chun(兪吉濬; 1856 ~ 1914) who is the representative scholar of enlightenment thought in the late Yi dynasty. For this research, we set up following three research purposes. First, we discussed the ideological phase and the bibliographical values of this writing from the perspective of an enlightenment history of our country. Second, we systemically analyzed and reviewed the report about the West modern special education which is showed in the 「Seo Yu Kyun Mun」17th chapter. Finally, we looked for establishing the identity of Korean special education by Yu Kil-Chun’「Seo Yu Kyun Mun」from the macroscopic viewpoints based on the above two aspects. According to his“theory of actual enlightenment”and his attitude to enlightenment,“the master of enlightenment”which he emphasized is the enlightenment that is focused on subjective history of our country. From this viewpoint, Yu Kil-Chun suggests important implications to establishing the identity of Korean special education.

이 책은 저자 유승주가 정묘호란(1627)과 병자호란(1636)을 전후로 하여 나타난유림의 對後金(淸) 항전활동을 집중적으로 연구한 저서이다. 저자는 2차례에 걸친 호란이 발발했을 때 후금(청)의 공격에 무력하게 무너지는 조정을 서술하면서 防灘大將, 沿江防禦大將 혹은 평안병사로서 국가를 보위하기 위해 희생한 유림을 조명했다. 단순히 이 시기 유림의 행적만을 추적한 것이 아니라 전쟁기 후금(청) 측의 입장과 요구, 이에 대한 조선 조정의 내부논의 및 결정, 전쟁의 전개과정 등을 다루면서 유림의 전공이 어떤 의미를 지니는지 검토했다. 저자는 연대기사료인 『仁祖實錄』과 인조대 『承 政院日記』를 기초로 하여 다양한 사료를 교차검토했으며, 기존의 연구에서 미처 밝히지 못했던 사실과 혹은 잘못 인식된 내용을 바로잡았다. 이 책에 드러나는 또 하나의 특징은 인조대 조정의 무력함과 비굴함에 대한 통렬한 비판이다. 정묘호란, 병자호란의 대처에서 인조와 공신들이 자기희생을 통해 국가와 민을 보호하지 못한 행태에는 적절한비판이 있어야 할 것이다. 그러나 청에 항복했다고 그 역사 자체가 무의미하다고 하거나굴욕으로만 평가할 수는 없다. 개인이나 국가에 어려운 순간이 왔을 때 수치와 굴욕을견딘다는 것은 괴로운 일이나, 자신을 포기하지 않고 재생의 길을 도모해야 그 다음 기회를 맞이할 수 있다. 이 시기 유림의 활동도 그러한 맥락 속에서 평가되어야 한다.

中國古代歷史雖然起源於與神的溝通，但是古代中國的表面文化卻一直標榜著重視理性的儒教式的理想社會。韓愈，作爲宣稱已經繼承中國表面文化、即儒家之道的儒學者，在唐代是一個在政治和文學方面都具有影響力的人。這樣一個擁有社會影響力的人卻寫出了如此一篇不合常理的勸誡鱷魚的文章，讓人不免感到驚訝。≪鱷魚文≫以警告鱷魚如果不搬遷將被殺死作爲結尾，其構思已經極爲奇特，但是，此文在被編入中國古代正史後，甚至還添加了“鱷魚聽到警告後果然遷離，從此當地再沒有鱷魚之患”的記錄。唐代文人韓愈，洞悉當時的表面文化及百姓的所思所想。他將潮州百姓的迫切的期望融入文章中，如同功力深厚的法師一般撫慰了百姓們的內心。因此，他的≪鱷魚文≫及其構思贏得了民間的巨大支持，之後百姓爲他建了祠堂，進而不斷的模仿他，爲他樹立了‘爲民好官’的光輝形象。如此，形成古代中國表面文化的宗教性ㆍ民俗性的風土便與民間氣息緊密相連，創造出一種偉大的文化。而這神秘的一切模棱兩可，以致於無法定義，它借助於人們強烈的關心和好奇，獲得了頑強的生命力。不僅如此，作爲21世紀現代人的重要硏究對象，這種文化與現代人的感性相融合而孕育成一種新文化。

본고에서는 유찬홍의 성격 및 그가 타자와 맺은 관계를 바탕으로 그가 바둑에 몰입하거나 기이한 행동을 한 전후 맥락을 살펴본 후, 인지 부조화 및 소통의 관점에서 바둑에 몰입한 원인과 기행을 일삼은 요인을 추론하였다. 홍세태는 유찬홍을 입전하여 그의 능력과 재주를 긍정적으로 평가하고 그의 일탈 행동을 소명하였는데, 이는 낙사 시사의 주요 일원인 유찬홍과 홍세태가 역관 사회의 중심부에서 이탈한 자신들의 처지를 근간으로 당시 여항인의 신분적 불평을 드러낸 것이었다. 그런데 유찬홍이 바둑에 몰입하거나 기행을 일삼은 행적은 신분 모순으로 인한 한과 울분의 표출로 간주하기에는 홍세태의 서술처럼 아쉬운 점이 있었다. 그래서 그것들의 요인을 추론한 결과 첫째, 유찬홍은 능력 및 존재를 인정받기 위해 바둑에 대한 당대의 부정적 인식을 거부하고 바둑에 몰입하였다. 둘째, 바둑에 몰두한 유찬홍은 지배 세력의 타자화로 인지 부조화가 심화 내지 확대되어 기행을 일삼았는데, 거만하고 무례한 그의 성격을 감안하더라도 그에게 자아 성찰을 가져올 수 있는 타자의 인정 및 타자와의 소통의 경험이 있었다면 그의 삶의 양상은 일정 부분 질적으로 달라졌을 것이다.

Examining the context that Yu Chan-Hong was immersed in Baduk and had eccentric behavior on the basis of his character and relationship, I inferred the reason why Yu Chan-Hong was immersed in Baduk and made a habit of having eccentric behavior from the viewpoint of cognitive dissonance and communication. Hong Se-Tae wrote a biography of Yu Chan-Hong to assess positively his capability and to rationalize his eccentric behavior. This meant that based on the experience that Yu Chan-Hong and Hong Se-Tae were deviated from the center of interpreter society, Yu Chan-Hong and Hong Se-Tae who were major members of Naksa Sisa complained the fact that Yeohangin were oppressed with social discrimination. It was a controversial topic like the statement by Hong Se-Tae to regard the trace that Yu Chan-Hong was immersed in Baduk and made a habit of having eccentric behavior as the expression of anger and resentment caused by the contradiction of the status system. The following were results to infer main cause of it. First, Yu Chan-Hong refused negative awareness about Baduk of the time and was immersed in Baduk to get credit for his capability and being. Second, Yu Chan-Hong who was immersed in Baduk had eccentric behavior, because cognitive dissonance was deepened on account of otherization by ruling power. Considering Yu Chan-Hong was arrogant and rude, if Yu Chan-Hong had the opportunity for recognition of the other or communication with the other, Yu Chan-Hong could live a qualitatively different life.

《西遊見聞》의 단어 특징은 ‘한문 문법 특징을 띠고 있다’는 것이다. 하지만 지금까지의 관련 연구 성과를 종합해 보면 한국어나 일본어의 시각에서는 활발한 연구 성과를 보였지만 ‘중국어적’ 시각에서의 성과는 비교적 부진했던 것이 사실이다. 이에 균형적이고 종합적인 연구 결과를 도출하기 위해 본고는 중국어의 시각에서 연구를 진행하였다. 주요 연구방법은 우선, 유길준의 문화 언어학(cultural linguistics) 적 공헌을 부르디외의 사회학 이론을 기반으로 하여 문화 자본(cultural capital)과 언어 자본(linguistic capital)으로 나누어 고찰함으로써 유길준에게 체화된 문화와 언어의 하비투스(habitus)를 분석하였다. 다음으로 문화언어학적 관점에서 유기적인 관계를 맺고 있는 언어단위 간의 조합성과 객관적 사물 간의 연관성, 그리고 주관적 인식의 논리성을 통해 《西遊見聞》에 보이는 유길준이 사용한 단어를 중심으로 그에게 내재한 문화 자본과 언어 자본이 언어의 동적 사용과 변화를 유도해 낸 단어의 양태를 고찰하는 데 목적을 두었다. 통계에 근거하면 《漢語大辭典》에 수록되지 않은 《西遊見聞》의 이음절 단어 2,927개 가운데 한국어 문법구조에는 없는 ‘V+C’ 구조가 102개로 집계되었고, 이는 결과 보어와 방향 보어로 구분됨을 밝혔다. 이 중 방향보어는 외적 구조의 측면에서는 가장 단순하지만, 내적인 의미 관계에서는 술보구조 중 가장 복잡한 보어이다. 따라서 방향보어 가운데서도 약 76%를 차지하는 ‘出’類 방향보어를 주요 분석대상으로 정리하였다. 그 결과 유길준 《西遊見聞》에 출현된 ‘出’類 방향보어의 문법적 기능은 기본적인 의미와 파생적인 의미로 나눠지는 것으로 중국어의 문법적 기능과 동일하여 중국어의 문화와 언어하비투스가 체화되어 있음을 확인하였다.

This article traces the anti-Bolshevik journalism and theory of proletarian art of the anarchist Yu Seo(1905–1980), who was active in mainland China, focusing on the Korean-language articles he contributed to domestic magazines and newspapers in the late 1920s. The body of the paper analyzes his anti-Bolshevik writings published in Korea during that period, his promotion of Kropotkin’s ideas, articles related to anarchist-Bolshevik debates on literature, and reports on Chinese literary news. Previous research has paid little attention to Yu Seo’s domestic contributions and has especially overlooked his role in the proletarian literature debates. Yu Seo’s revolutionary and literary theories from the late 1920s should be understood within the context of anti-Bolshevism, particularly the anarchist-Bolshevik split. His critiques of the Bolsheviks clearly drew upon the writings of Chinese anarchists such as Bao Pu(抱朴). Furthermore, his article “A New Theory of Proletarian Art” was first published in Korea and then republished in a Chinese journal, forming the core of his anarchist literary theory. It is notable that Yu Seo participated in proletarian art debates in both Korea and China. Despite the influence of Chinese anarchists, Yu Seo can be recognized as a highly original and capable Korean anarchist theorist of his time.

This study examines the characteristics and significance of Yu Deuk-gong's (柳得恭) records on his diplomatic missions to Qing China(Yeonhaeng, 燕行) and the writings associated with these journeys. Even before participating in these missions, Yu possessed a consciousness of byeongse(並世)—a sense of contemporaneity—and maintained an active interest in trends in the Chinese poetic world while engaging in exchanges with Chinese literati. A clear example of this is the Geonyeonoejip(巾衍外集), a poetry anthology compiled with the Geonyeonjip(巾衍集) in mind, which survives today under the title Jungjusibilgasiseon(中州十一家詩選). Previous scholarship has regarded Geonyeonoejip, Jungjusibilgasiseon, and Byeongsejip(並世集) as three distinct anthologies; however, this paper corrects that misconception by demonstrating that Geonyeonoejip and Jungjusibilgasiseon are, in fact, the same work. Around 1777, when Yu compiled the Geonyeonoejip, he was also devoted to composing the Isibildohoegosi(二十一都懷古詩). This work was conceived with transnational literary exchange in mind, particularly after Yu's earlier collection, Geonyeonjip, received praise from Chinese literati such as Li Tiaoyuan(李調元) and Pan Tingyun(潘庭筠). As Yu intended, the collection was well received in China and became one of his representative works, effectively showcasing his poetic talent. The Byeongsejip(並世集), compiled in 1796, includes poems from ninety literati of China, Japan, Annam, and Ryukyu, illustrating that Yu's byeongse consciousness extended beyond China to encompass East Asian literati across the broader cultural sphere. Yu Deuk-gong undertook three diplomatic journeys: the 1778 mission to Shenyang(Eupruyeopil(挹婁餘筆)), the 1790 mission to Rehe (Yeolhagihaengsiju(熱河紀行詩註)), and his 1801 journey to Beijing (Yeondaejaeyurok(燕臺再遊錄)). Although the first account, Eupruyeopil, is no longer extant, both Yeolhagihaengsiju and Yeondaejaeyurok are highly regarded for their distinctive structure and depth. These journeys deepened Yu's longstanding interest—dating back to his youth—in the ancient history of the Korean people, greatly influencing his later works such as Balhaego(渤海考) and Sagunji(四郡志). Many entries in Goundangpilgi(古芸堂筆記) also concern topics related to these journeys, suggesting that the influence of yeonhaeng on Yu's diverse body of writings calls for further, more detailed research.

The essay aims at elucidating Yu Yan(兪琰)’s Xiantian-Neidan(先天內丹) doctrine in the dimension of pre-experientialism. His doctrine is concerned with the characteristics of life-community in Wei Baiyang(魏伯陽)’s Zhouyicantongxue(周易參同契). The life–community is closely associated with the conception of ‘changes in human body’ through the Original Qi(元氣) of Supreme Ultimate(太極). Here is a realm of human consciousness which is based upon the ontological life of human nature to seek after the axiological life of universe, which is beyond the biological life of Nature. His changeology has the pre-experientalismic character of xiangshuyixue(象數易學) under the influence of Shao Yong(邵雍)’s changeolgy. The key point is a life-community based upon the self-cultivating principle of recuperation. The universe is a kind of life-community of making the incessant operation of life mechanism in the spontaneous generation of life force and its organic network. In it, human beings comprehend a stage of being a coherent whole with a unitary process of Nature. Particularly, the Dao(道) of Huandan(還丹) is equivalent to a horizon of realizing the essential value of life. In the world of Dao, human beings have orientation toward the openly pre-experiential horizon of intuitively going through a infinite universe in a finite world. Consequently, Yu Yan’s Xiantian-Neidan doctrine has an integral horizon that the irreversible area of physical time-space is elevated to the reversible area of conscious time-space in the pre-experiential worldview of East Asia.

Unlike the initial edited edition of Isibildohoegosi(Reminiscent poems of 21 capital cities), in which Yu Deuk-gong introduced the Dangun myth as transmitted in the Samgukyusa, in the revised version, he cited the Dangun record found in Gwon Geun’s Eungjesi (Poems Composed by Imperial Command). He understood that Dangun and his descendants ruled over Gojoseon for 1048 years and accepted, without criticism, the royal lineage of Buyeo that continued from Dangun to Haeburu, Geumwa, and Daeso. Like most aristocratic scholar-gentry of the Joseon Dynasty, he trusted the theory of Gija's eastward migration and revered Gija as a symbol of enlightenment and civilization. Yu accepted the conventional understanding that King Jun, a descendant of Gija, was ousted by Wiman and moved to Geumma, where he founded Mahan. He also embraced Hong Man-jong's theory of historical legitimate succession, which traces lineage from Dangun Joseon to Gijajoseon to Mahan. Through his poetry on General Euljimundeok and the Battle of Ansi Fortress, he emphasized Goguryeo’s strong national power and recognized Balhae as the legitimate successor of Goguryeo. He criticized King Uija of Baekje for his extravagance, indulgence, and disregard for loyal remonstrations, and wrote retrospective poems about relics related to Baekje’s fall. Regarding Silla, while he positively evaluated the unity of the three surnames—Park, Seok, and Kim—and the civilization they achieved, he also expressed a perception of Silla as a nation of brutality. He lamented the fact that although Gaya was once a great nation that had diplomatic relations with Southern Qi(南齊) in China and held Silla as a tributary, Joseon people perceived it as an uncivilized state. Yu also accepted as historical fact the folk legends found in official geographical texts such as Sinjeung Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam(新增東國輿地勝覽). His use of philological and linguistic methods was at a rudimentary level. Through his Isibildohoegosi, Yu Deuk-gong provided not only an opportunity to approach ancient history from a regional perspective but also a chance to overcome the traditional Three Kingdoms-centered view of ancient history. In doing so, he played a bridging role in establishing a historical system centered on Dangunjoseon, Buyeo, Goguryeo, and Balhae, thereby holding significant historiographical value.

This paper aims to elucidate the expansion of Yu Man-ju's historical- geographic imagination by analyzing the gradual changes in his knowledge and worldview that he acquired through his continuous study of maps and geography books from his teens to his late twenties. The first book that influenced Yu Man-ju in terms of historical geography was the Shanhaijing (山海經). He first read this book when he was 13 years old and loved it so much that he tried to read it again several times by reading it aloud and copying it. As an active post-reading activity, he wrote an poem titled “Reading the Shanhaijing.” According to this poem, he discovered the significance of reading the Shanhaijing in the expansion of knowledge, and this led his reading in the broad sense to accept the contents of the book. Afterwards, Yu Man-ju refined and expanded his knowledge of the world by cross-examining Joseon's geography and world geography. In 1777, Yu Man-ju read the Chinese geography book Gwangyeoki (廣輿記) and reviewed the entry for Joseon listed as a neighboring country. Finding the content inaccurate and anachronistic, he recognized the possibility that there were blind spots in the content on neighboring countries included in Chinese books. This awareness not only served as an opportunity to maintain a critical distance from Chinese geography books, but also served as a motivation to study the geography of his own country. In the process, he discovered Joseon's unique geopolitical characteristics and potential within the framework of world geography. In 1778, Yu Man-ju read a chapter titled “Overview of mountains and seas” in a Chinese book Wanbaoquanshu (萬寶全書). “Overview of mountains and seas” advocated a crude theory of ethnic minority groups outside of China that stereotyped them as ‘hairless insects.’ Yu Man-ju, who found that the ‘Goryeo’ section included there was inaccurate and did not correspond to reality, read the Wanbaoquanshu by distancing himself from the extremely China-centric perspective of this book. He continued reading in a way that embraced different cultures. On December 3, 1781, Yu Man-ju obtained the Dongmunkwanggo (同文廣考), a book written by a Joseon person, and read it fervently for 17 days. After reading this book, which not only extensively covered the historical geography and culture of China, its neighbors, and various Western countries, but was also more detailed than any other geography book he had ever read, Yu Man-ju was inspired to plan his own large-scale historical geography work and declared his compilation policy of not following China's one-sided records, but respecting the records of each country. Yu Man-ju, at the age of 13, became interested in the historical geography of East Asia and began reading the Shanhaijing, showing an attitude of accepting unfamiliar foreign customs as knowledge. This receptive attitude later led to an understanding of core elements of culture, such as language, music, and ceremonial events, and led to a clear academic orientation in cultural historical geography. His inclusive view of cultural diversity is reminiscent of cultural relativism, a core concept in cultural anthropology as a modern discipline.

Yu Sung-jo’s Daehakjam was greatly influenced by Kwon-Geun’s Iphak doseol, and his Seongli yeonwon chwaryo actively utilized Cheng Fuxin’s Sishu zhangtu, etc. In Zhuzi, the heart-mind is synchronically explained to be composed of li and qi and diachronically encompasses xing and qing. Yu Sung-jo understood heart-mind in the perspective of mingde 明德 as a whole, meaning that the heart-mind in reality is only a state that has not fully maintained its mingde, and its essence is the same as mingde. All living beings have heart-mind, but the characteristics of the human mind are specifically called mingde. The heaven is composed of li and qi, and all things created by the heaven is originally composed of the same li and qi, and among them, the heart-mind of human is more clever than any other, and xuling bumei 虛靈不昧 that only human possesses is called mingde, which is also called benxin. When it is said that the heart-mind is composed of xing and qizhi, there is an inherent commonality in the disposition that constitutes human’s mingde that distinguishes it from other living beings. However, qizhi of each person is different, and thus the state of mingde varies greatly. Yu Sung-jo emphasized the view of dividing xing into benranzhixing 本然之性 and qizhizhixing 氣質之性, and established the theory that the origin of the Four Sprouts is benranzhixing and the origin of the Seven Emotions is qizhizhixing. Yu Sung-jo also established a way of explaining both the Four Sprouts and the Seven Emotions in a way that combines li and qi. Yu Sung-jo’s academic system contributed greatly to shaping the common sense view of Zhuzi in later generations through the education at Sungkyunkwan, and may have had some influence on Toegye’s theory of Four Sprouts and Seven Emotions.

이 글은 유미리의 소설에 나타나는 언어 의식과 글쓰기의 특징을 구명하는 것을목표로 한다. 유미리에게 있어 글쓰기의 가장 강력한 동기가 되는 것이자 삶의 취약성을인식하게 하는 조건은 태어났을 때부터 그에게 지워져 있던 재일이라는 정체성이었다고 할 수 있다. 유미리의 경우 다른 재일 디아스포라가 겪을 가능성이 있었던 성원권의법적 지위 문제나 이동권의 제한과 같은 물리적인 금지는 거의 존재하지 않았다. 그러나그를 공격한 것이 청각적 심상과 같이 일상과 밀접해 있는 것이자 미시적인 사회화 과정과 관련한 것이었다는 점이, 재일로서 그의 존엄성을 덜 취약하게 만들었다고 말하기는 어렵다. 이 역시 사회적 상호 관계에서 권력의 역할을 인식하게 만드는 정치적인 것으로서 감각될 수 있는 것이기 때문이다. 언어에 대한 예민한 자의식을 가지고 유미리는자신에게 가해진 그 공격이 ‘무엇’인지에 대해서 쓰기보다, 그것을 ‘어떻게’ 쓸 것인가를더 중요하게 고민했다. 작가는 자신의 첫 소설 『돌에서 헤엄치는 물고기』를 통해 한국어를 모어로 하지 않는발화자에게 한국어의 완벽한 모방적 재현은 가능한가를 묻는다. 작가는 재일 디아스포라로서 그러한 모방적 재현이 불가능함을 인식하면서도, 동시에 완벽한 모방적 재현이표현할 수 있는 범위를 넘어서는 언어 표기 방식을 보여 줌으로써 그러한 모방적 재현이불필요하다는 사실을 암시한다. 『8월의 저편』은 동시에 재일이라는 자신의 사회적 정체성의 기원이 되는 외조부를 실제 모델로 삼아 그의 과거를 선조적으로 재구축하려는 작가적 욕망을 가지고 출발한다. 그러나 소설이 그 과정에서 주목하게 되는 것은 식민지 조선인과 재일 디아스포라라는외조부의 삶뿐 아니라, 같은 시기에 목소리를 부여받지 못한 또다른 소수자 개인들이다. 소설은 완전한 내러티브를 완결하려는 욕망을 포기하고 이들의 목소리를 서사에 다공적으로 침투시킨다. 비록 이로 인해 작가는 처음의 기획을 성공적으로 완수하지는 못하지만, 소설은 당초 자신의 소수적 정체성을 직시하기 위해 시작한 그의 글쓰기와 더 어울리는, 소수적 개인들을 조명하는 방식으로 완성된다. 이 글은 이처럼 재일 디아스포라로서 ‘한국인’이라는 개념적 경계에 의문을 제기하는 언어 표기 방식과 다양한 소수자의목소리가 투과되게 만드는 서사 구성 방식을 유미리 문학의 특징으로 보고 이를 ‘다공성’의 글쓰기로 설명한다.

This article aims to identify the characteristics of language consciousness and writing in Yu Mi-ri’s novels. What could be noted in the author’s early autobiographical writings, including the essay “The Cradle of the Waterfront”, was the identity of ‘Zainichi’ that motivated Yu Mi-ri to write. What made her dignity vulnerable were things related to microscopic socialization processes and daily life, such as voice. However, it is difficult to say that this fact has made her dignity less vulnerable. This is also because it is a political thing that makes people recognize the role of power in social interrelationships. Based on a sensitive self-consciousness of language, Yu Mi-ri considered ‘how’ to write it rather than ‘what’ the attack was inflicted on her. Through his first novel, “Fish Swimming on a Stone”, She asks a speaker who does not speak Korean in the mother tongue whether it is possible to reproduce Korean perfectly in imitation. The artist recognizes that such imitation is impossible as a diaspora in Japan, but at the same time suggests that such imitation is unnecessary by showing a hybrid language notation method beyond the range that perfect imitation reproduction can express. At the same time, “The Far Side of August” starts with a writer’s desire to rebuild her past by using her foreign grandfather, who is the origin of her social identity in Japan, as a real model. However, what the novel draws attention to in the process is another minority individuals who have not been given a voice. The novel gives up the desire to complete the complete narrative and penetrates many people’s voices into the narrative. Although the author did not successfully complete the original plan, it can be said that the novel was completed in a way that illuminates minority individuals that are more suitable for writing in a more prehistoric way.

이 글에서는 유형원(柳馨遠)의 학문 연원을 살피고 이와 연관하여 󰡔반계수록(磻溪隨錄)󰡕의 정치론을 검토하였다. 󰡔반계수록󰡕의 국가개혁론이 만들어질 수 있는 학문적 배경이 어디에 있었던가를 추적하기 위한 작업의 일환이다. 성장기 유형원에게 영향을 끼친 인물들은 정치 성향으로는 북인(北人)과 북인계 남인(北人系 南人)이었고 학문으로는 대체로 서경덕의 학문과 연결되어 있었다. 이들은 이황이나 이이･성혼의 후학들에게서 찾아볼 수 없는 개성을 지니고 있었는데, 기를 중시하고 다양한 성격의 학문에 경도되는 개방성을 갖는 것으로 요약할 수 있다. 이와 더불어 이들은 고대의 법제에도 많은 관심을 기울였다. 󰡔반계수록󰡕을 집필하던 무렵, 기(氣)를 중시하던 세계관을 벗어나 천리(天理)를 중시하는 사유의 전환을 경험했던 유형원은 이를 바탕으로 󰡔반계수록󰡕의 기본 이념을 마련하고 법제를 구상했다. 유형원은 새로운 국가의 법은 천리를 담아야 한다고 보아, 천리의 실현 방식을 국가의 법제에서 찾았다. 그가 보기에 공전제(公田制)로부터 비롯하는 제반 법제는 천리와 법제가 통일되어 있었는데, 이때 유형원이 찾은 법제는 고대의 시간 경험을 거친 것이었다. 이런 측면에서 보자면 유형원의 󰡔반계수록󰡕은 서경덕계 학맥 속에서 형성된 학문적 경향, 그리고 천리에 대한 새로운 이해를 기반으로 출현할 수 있었다고 할 수 있다. 유형원이 󰡔반계수록󰡕을 저술하며 중국과 한국의 경서와 사서, 중국과 조선의 정치론을 두루 참조하였으므로 󰡔반계수록󰡕의 학문 배경을 특정 학맥과 연결하여 찾는 일이 그다지 유효하지 않을 수 있다. 하지만 이황과 이이 학문의 영향권 속에 있던 주요 학자들에게서 찾을 수 없는 성취를 󰡔반계수록󰡕이 지니었던 사실은 우연은 아닐 것이다.