Earticle

『삼명통회(三命通會)』 ｢원조화지시(原造化之始)｣편을 통해 그 저자가 지닌 주자학의 이기론(理氣論)적 세계관을 살펴본다. 만민영(萬民英)이 『논어』 ｢안연｣편에서 사마우와 자하가 나눈 명(命)과 천(天)에 대한 대화 의 『논어집주』 글을 인용하면서 ‘음양’과 ‘천’이라는 단어로 글자 출입을 가한 것은, 『맹자집주』 에서의 천명론(天命論)에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 한 것이다. 그는 자신이 지닌 운명론적 관념이 주자의 학문적 사유를 토 대로 하고 있음을 드러내었는데, 타고난 것 못지않게 스스로의 힘으로 축적하는 인위적인 수양의 중요성을 말하였다. 게다가, 그 타고난 것 역 시 부모의 수양이라는 인간의 노력이 중요한 결정요인 중 하나라고 보 았다. 이것은 제아무리 훌륭한 사주가 세팅되었고 또 좋은 운까지 만났 더라도, 결국 사람의 절실한 수신제가(修身齊家)가 수반되지 않는다면 한 시대를 이끄는 진정한 리더가 될 수 없음을 역설한 것이다. 전통 시대에 만들어진 사주명리의 이론과 간명(看命)에서 부귀함의 상 징인 재성(財星)⋅관성(官星)이 상대적으로 크게 중시된 이유는, 그 당시 개인의 능력을 사회에 펼칠 방법이 녹봉을 받는 전문 관료가 되어 조정 과 사회의 리더로서의 자질을 입증할 수 있는 조건에 있게 된 이후에나 가능했기 때문이다.

The Li-qi theory(理氣論: a Neo-Confuncian(性理學) theory which pursues a systematic explanation about cosmic phenomena and the matter of human moral practice by using the categories of ‘the principle of the universe and Yin-Yang and the Five Elements’) in Wàn Mín Yīng(萬民英)'s view of the world based on Zhū Xī(朱熹)'s Neo-Confucianism is examined through the first chapter of 『Sān Mìng Tōng Huì(三命通會)』, ｢Yuán Zàohuà zhī Shǐ(原造化之始)｣. His inserting and taking out letters with the words of ‘yīn yáng(陰陽)’ and ‘tiān(天)’ while quoting 『Lúnyǔ jí zhù(論語集註)』 with regard to the conversation between Sīmǎ Niú(司馬牛) and Bŭ Shāng(卜商) about mìng(命(天命)) and tiān(天) in the chapter of ｢Yányuān(顏淵)｣, 『the Analects of Confucius』, was based on his understanding of the tiān-mìng theory(天命論) in 『Mèngzǐ jí zhù(孟子集註)』. He revealed that his fatalistic ideas had the foundation of Zhū Xī(朱熹)'s academic thoughts, and said that intentional self-discipline that one built up by oneself was as important as what one had been born with. Moreover, he also believed that regarding what one had been born with, human efforts of one's parents' self-discipline was one of important determinants, too. It emphasizes that however good Saju(四柱: Text encoding the definitive destiny received at birth) is given, and even when one has a good luck, the person cannot become a true leader guiding an age in the end without the one’s earnest self-discipline and home management. In the theory of zipíng mìnglǐ(子平命理) developed in the traditional times and guessing about destiny, ‘signs of wealth’(財星) and ‘sings of public office’(官星) that symbolized riches and honors were considered relatively crucial. Because, at those times, one could not show one’s ability to the society until one became a professional government official receiving feudal allowance and then demonstrated one’s qualification as a leader of the Royal Court and the society.

본고에서는 <조용배의 문둥북춤>, <김상용의 깨끼춤>, <김유경의 먹 중춤>의 연행을 분석하였다. 각 예인들의 연행을 분석해본 결과 춤을 자유롭게 연행하는 각자마다 연행방법이 있었다. 조용배는 춤에 패턴을 만들었고 그 중 즉흥 구간을 정하여 춤을 연행 해왔다. 먼저 서사가 있는 문둥춤에서는 <고정된 장면> → <즉흥무> →<뛰기> 순으로 패턴을 만들었다. 북춤의 경우 <고정된 춤사위> → <소 고 돌리기> → <맺기> → <즉흥무> → <뛰기> 순으로 연행하여 마찬가 지로 각각 즉흥이 연행되는 구간과 각 구간별 춤의 유형을 정해놓고 연 행해왔다. 김상용은 대칭으로 연행되던 타령장단의 깨끼춤 사위들을 반 장단을 생략하여 한 장단 안에 두 개의 춤사위가 교차되게 연행하였다. 이로 인해 깨끼춤으로 맞춤을 추는 과정에서 연희자의 의도에 의해 상대방 연희자와 사위가 서로 엇나가며 연행되게 하였다. 김유경은 먹중춤의 12가지 기본춤사위를 자유롭게 배치하는 과정과 춤사위를 조합하여 연결하는 과정에서 한삼 짓과 발걸음 등 새로운 연결 동작이 나와 연희자마다의 다양한 형태의 연결사위가 표현될 수 있게 하였다. 이처럼 탈춤에는 지역별 혹은 연희자별 본인만의 개성이 담긴 연행 방법들이 있다. 본고에서는 각 예인들이 연행해왔던 방법을 연행자의 이름을 넣어 <조용배의 즉흥법>, <김상용의 춤사위 엇붙임>, <김유경 의 춤사위 조합법>으로 정리하였다. 현재 본 연구자가 정리한 춤의 연 행원리 이외에도 예인들만의 다양한 연행방법들이 있을 것이다. 앞으로 더 많은 연희자들의 춤을 분석하여 그들만의 연행원리를 찾아 탈춤만의 연행방법론들을 지속적으로 정립해 나갔으면 한다.

In this paper, the performances of Cho Yong-bae’s Mundungbuk Dance, Kim Sang-yong’s Ggeggi Dance, and Kim Yoo-kyung’s Meokjung Dance were analyzed. As a result of analyzing the performance of each artist, each person who freely performed the dance had a method of performing. Cho Yong-bae made a pattern in the dance, and among them, he has decided on an impromptu section and performed the dance. First, in the Mundung Dance with a narrative, the pattern was created in the order of <Fixed Scene> → <Impromptu Dance> → <Jump>. In the case of drum dance, <Fixed Dance> → <Spinning Sogo> → <Concluding> → <Impromptu Dance> → <Jump> were performed. Likewise, each section where improvisation is performed and each section has been performed with the type of dance. Kim Sang-yong performed the Dancing movement of the Ggeggi Dance of Taryedong Jangdan, which was performed symmetrically, so that the two dances crossed within one rhythm by omitting the half rhythm. As a result, in the process of dancing the Ggeggi Dance facing each other, the dances of each other were performed at different angles according to the intention of the performer. In the process of freely arranging the 12 basic dances of the Mukjung Dance and combining and connecting the dances, Kim Yu-kyung made new connecting movements such as Hansam’s work and footsteps so that various forms of connecting dances could be expressed in each performance. As such, Mask dances have their own ways of performing by region or performer. In this paper, the methods that each artist has performed are summarized into <Cho Yong-bae’s Impromptu Method>, <Kim Sang-yong’s Dance Combination Method>, and <Kim Yu-kyung’s Dance Combination Method>. In addition to the dance performance principles currently organized by the author, there will be various performance methods of the artists. In the future, we hope to analyze more performers' dances and find their own performance principles and continue to establish mask dance's performance methodologies

본 논문에서는 江陵大君(후일의 공민왕)을 시종했던 燕邸隨從功臣들에 대해서, 대표적인 공신이었던 柳淑의 動向 및 공신들 간의 상호 人的 關係網에 중심을 두어 고찰하였다. 高麗忠肅王의 차남인 강릉대군은 어린 시절 入元宿衛하여 10여년간 원에 머물렀다. 당시 다양한 성향을 지닌 인물들이 그를 시종하였다. 1351년 귀국하여 즉위한 공민왕은 자신을 시종했던 인물들을 연저수종공신으로 책봉하여 포상했다. 이들 공신들은 상호 인아 관계를 통해 인적 관계망을 형성하였다. 하지만 서로 다른 다양한 면모를 지닌 공신들은 다양한 정치적 노선을 지향했고 여러 차례의 정변을 거치며 점 차 도태되는 양상을 보였다. 곧 1352년 趙日新의 난, 1356년 反元改革, 1363년 興王寺의 난, 1365년 辛旽 집권 등을 거치며 여러 공신들이 살해되거나 유배되었다. 수종공신 가운데 당대의 개혁․신진세력과도 연계된 獨步적인 존재였던 柳淑이 신돈에 의 해 실각한 이후 살해되었다. 이는 신돈이 집권하면서, 그나마 얼마 남지 않은 수종공신 세력이 결정적으로 정계에서 퇴장하였음을 상징적으로 드러낸다 할 것이다.

In this paper, we examined the Yeonjeo(Beijing residence)-sujong meritorious retainers(燕邸隨從功臣) who served Gang-reung-dae-gun(江陵大君), with a main focus on the trend of representative meritorious retainer-Yu-Sook(柳淑 ; 1316∼1368) and mutual Human network(人的關係網). Gang-reung-dae-gun, the second son of the King Chung-Suk(忠肅王), entered the Yuan(元) Royal court as a kind of hostage. He resided in Yuan for ten years. At that time, people of various inclination attended and served him. In 1351, Gang-reung-dae-gun returned to Koryo and ascend the throne. He is the King Kong-Min(恭愍王). King Kong-Min rewarded people who served him as the Yeonjeo-sujong meritorious retainers. Some meritorious retainers(功臣) constituted Human network(人的 關係網) through mutual marital relations. But meritorious retainers of diverse features aimed at different political lines. And they were gradually weed out through many political convulsions. Throughout the rebellion of Cho il-sin(趙日新 ; ?∼ 1352) in 1352․the anti-Yuan reformation policies(反元 改革 政策) in 1356․the revolt of Heung-Wang temple(興王寺) led by Kim yong(金鏞 ; ?∼1363) in 1363․the centralization of Shin-don(辛旽 ; ?∼1371 ;priest), some of meritorious retainers were removed or exiled. Yu-Sook(柳淑), the unique retainer who was related to contemporary rising reformers, was overthrown and murdered by Shin-don. It symbolizes the political decline of Yeonjeo-sujong meritorious retainers. Decisively, As Shin-don took the helm of state affairs after the revolt of Heung-Wang temple was suppressd, Yeonjeo-sujong retainers meritorious left political circles.

1919년 4월 1일 천안시 병천면 아우내장터에서 만세시위를 주도한 유관순 열사(1902∼1920)의 신장(身長)을 놓고 논란이 일고 있다. 유열사 신장은 지금껏 서대문형무소 수형자기록표의 ‘5척(尺) 6촌(寸) 0분 (分)’ 표기에 따라 169.68㎝로 알려져 있다. 1척=30.3㎝(1척=10촌) 환산법으 로 계산한 것이다. 그런데 2012년 11월 충남대 충청문화연구소 및 독립기념관 주최로 열린 ‘천안지역 항일독립운동의 재조명’ 학술대회에서 유열사 신장에 대한 새로 운 주장이 제기됐다. 기록표 신장 수치 중 ‘6촌’을 ‘0촌’으로 읽어야 옳고, 그 밖에 유 열사의 얼굴 형태로 보건대 큰 키일 수 없다는 주장이다. 결국 ‘5척 0촌 0분’ 으로 유 열사 키는 169.68㎝가 아니라 151.5㎝라는 것이다. 그러나 ‘0촌’으로 봐야 할 명확한 근거는 없다. 기록표 속 ‘6’자는 기록자의 독특한 필치의 전형을 보여준다. 아라비아 숫자를 마무리하면서 특유의 ‘돼 지꼬리’를 올렸을 뿐이다. 만약 ‘0촌’으로 읽는다면 같은 사람이 쓴 바로 뒤 ‘0분’의 ‘0’자와 크기⋅모양이 비슷해야 하는데 전혀 다르다. 유열사 이화학당 친구로 알려진 남동순 여사의 “관순이는 나보다 작았어” 라는 증언도 신뢰할 수 없다. 남 여사는 출생지 및 행적과 관련돼 여러 부분에 서 엇갈리는 증언을 하고 있다. 연로한 탓으로 돌리기에는 너무 모순된 증언 이 많다. 유열사에 대한 안면 형태학적 추론도 이해하기 힘들다. 유 열사 형제들은 모두 키가 컸다. 세 살 위 오빠 유우석의 60세, 71세 사진과 남동생 유인석의 노년 때 사진을 보면 유 열사도 키가 작지 않았을 것으로 추측된다. 또 유열사와 같은 감방에서 1년간 있었던 어윤희 여사가 ‘몸이 장대한 유관순양’으로 표현한 걸 볼 때 당시 평 범한 여성보다 훨씬 큰 키였음을 알 수 있다. 끝으로 수형자기록표 지문번호는 일제강점기 초기부터 사용한 함부르크 식 10지 지문(十指 指紋)분류법에 따른 것임을 밝혔다. 현재도 경찰청에서 사용하는 이 분류법에 따르면 유 열사 지문은 열 손가락 중 여덟 손가락이 소용돌이 물결 모양의 와상문(渦狀紋)이다.

There is a big controversy over the height of Yu, Gwan-sun(1902-1920), the patriotic martyr, who led a protest in the Awoonae marketplace in Byeongcheon-myeon, Cheonan on April 1, 1919. So far, the height of Matyr Yu has been known as 169.68㎝ according to the notation of ‘’5 Cheuk (尺) 6 Chon (寸) 0 Boon ( 分)’ of the prisoner record of Seodaemun Prison. It was calculated in terms of the conversion table of 1 Cheuk = 30.3cm (1 Cheuk = 10 Chon) However, a new argument on the height of Matyr Yu was raised in the symposium of ‘Review the anti-Japanese independence movement in Cheonan area’ hosted by Chungcheong Cultural Institute of Chungnam National University and Independence Hall in November 2012. It is an argument stating that ‘6 Chon’ should be read as ‘0 Chon’ in the recorded height figures, and Matyr Yu must not be tall guessing from her face. Eventually, her height is ‘5 Cheuk 0 Chon 0 Boon’, in other words, 151.5cm, not 169.68 cm. However, there is no clear reason to see it as ‘0 Chon’. The ‘6’ in the record shows a typical letter style. It was only raised with a distinctive ‘pig tail’ as completing an Arabic figure. If it were ‘0 Chon,’ it should be similar to the size and shape of ‘0’ of ‘0 Boon’ right after it, but they are quite different. The testimony from Mrs. Nam, Dong-soon, who is known as Matyr Yu’s friend in Ewha School, “Gwan-sun was smaller than me” cannot be trusted. Mr. Nam is giving false testimonies regarding her birthplace and whereabouts. There is a big controversy over the height of Yu, Gwan-sun(1902-1920), the patriotic martyr, who led a protest in the Awoonae marketplace in Byeongcheon-myeon, Cheonan on April 1, 1919. So far, the height of Matyr Yu has been known as 169.68㎝ according to the notation of ‘’5 Cheuk (尺) 6 Chon (寸) 0 Boon (分)’ of the prisoner record of Seodaemun Prison. It was calculated in terms of the conversion table of 1 Cheuk = 30.3cm (1 Cheuk = 10 Chon) However, a new argument on the height of Matyr Yu was raised in the symposium of ‘Review the anti-Japanese independence movement in Cheonan area’ hosted by Chungcheong Cultural Institute of Chungnam National University and Independence Hall in November 2012. It is an argument stating that ‘6 Chon’ should be read as ‘0 Chon’ in the recorded height figures, and Matyr Yu must not be tall guessing from her face. Eventually, her height is ‘5 Cheuk 0 Chon 0 Boon’, in other words, 151.5cm, not 169.68 cm. However, there is no clear reason to see it as ‘0 Chon’. The ‘6’ in the record shows a typical letter style. It was only raised with a distinctive ‘pig tail’ as completing an Arabic figure. If it were ‘0 Chon,’ it should be similar to the size and shape of ‘0’ of ‘0 Boon’ right after it, but they are quite different. The testimony from Mrs. Nam, Dong-soon, who is known as Matyr Yu’s friend in Ewha School, “Gwan-sun was smaller than me” cannot be trusted. Mr. Nam is giving false testimonies regarding her birthplace and whereabouts. It is also difficult to understand about the face-morphology reasoning about Matyr Yu. Her brothers were all tall. Looking at the pictures of her 3 year-elder brother Yu, Woo-seuk in his 60 and 71 and her younger brother Yu, In-seuk in his old age, Matyr Yu is assumed not to be small. Furthermore Auh, Yoon-hee once mentioned about ‘Ms. Yu, Gwan-sun who as a stong build’, so she is assumed to be far taller than ordinary women. In the end, we showed the fingerprint number of prisoner records was according to the Hamburg decimal classification method that has been used since the initial Japanese colonial era. In terms of this classification method which is still used in the National Policy Agency, 8 out of 10 fingers of Matyr Yu have the swirling whorl fingerprints.

합리적·보편적 사고를 중시하는 서구 전통철학에서는 ‘광(狂)’을 비이성적 개념으로 간주하였으나 근대 이후 이성주의에 대한 반성을 통하여 광을 새롭게 바라보기 시작했다. 감시와 처벌의 대상으로 보았던 ‘광기(狂氣)’는 쇼펜하우어, 니체 등의 미학적 논의를 통하여 재평가되었으며, 예술 창작의 중요한 원동력으로 자리 잡기 시작했다. 하지만 광기를 현실과 이상의 괴리에서 오는 분노의 표출로 보았다는 한계에서 벗어나지 못했다. 반면에 동양 미학에서는 광기를 부정적인 측면뿐만 아니라 속박에서 벗어나 진취적인 자유로움을 지향한다는 긍정적인 측면으로도 바라보았다. 형식과 전통을 중시하는 유가는 광기에 대해 비판적이었으나, 공자는 광을 진솔한 감정과 진취적 기질을 지닌 무한 역량이라 여겼다. 다만 광간(狂簡)하여 정교하지 않은 상태는 다듬어져야 한다고 보았다. 도가에서는 공자와 유사하게 광을 바라보는 장자의 유(遊)사상이 있다. ‘시류에 따른다’는 은일(隱逸) 정신에서 비롯된 유사상은 자연 변화를 따르는 동시에 본성을 억압하는 일체의 속박에서 벗어나 자유로운 지고(志高)의 경지에서 노님을 의미한다. 즉, 궁극적인 이상향(理想鄕)인 ‘대(大)’와 ‘진취(進取)’를 포함한다. 중국 역사상 가장 혼란스러웠던 위진 남북조와 명말·청초의 예술가들은 시대적 절망과 분노로 인해 광적인 기행을 일삼았지만, 유(遊)사상을 토대로 광기를 자유로운 창신(創新)적 예술 정신으로 승화시켰다. 동양 예술에서는 광기를 분노의 표출만이 아닌 절대적 자유를 추구하는 긍정적인 예술 창조의 원동력으로 본 것이다.

In the traditional western philosophical thought, which emphasizes the rational and universal thinking, ‘Kwang’ has been regarded as an irrational concept. However, since the modern era, the concept of Kwang began to change. Kwang, which was regarded as a subject of surveillance and punishment, has been reevaluated through the aesthetic discussions of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, and gradually began to become an important driving force of artistic creation. However, Kwang could not escape from seeing it as an expression of anger. On the other hand, in the Asian aesthetics, Kwang was seen not only in terms of negative aspects but also in terms of positive aspects such as pursuing liberation from spiritual bondage. Since Confucianism emphasized the form and tradition, it was critical about Kwang. Nonetheless, Confucius regarded Kwang as an infinite capacity with genuine emotion and progressive temperament. However, it was too large and therefore it should be finely trimmed eventually. Taoism is distinctly different from the Confucianism, but there exist similar characteristics between Yu of Zhangji and Kwang of Confucius. Yu comes from the spirit of ‘Eun-il' which has the meaning of 'following the trends' and implies the freedom from the bondage suppressing the natural instincts and hence playing in a state of Jigo, i.e., extreme highness. This concept contains ultimate ideals of Zhangji, 'Big' and 'Enterprising'. In the midst of the most confusing Chinese era, Wy-Jin and South and North Jo, artists made lots of insane and strange conducts due to the despair and anger at that time. However, they followed the concept of Yu and sublimated the Kwang to a free and inventive artistic spirit. In other words, in Asian art, Kwang is not only regarded as anger coming from the conflict and separation, but also as a driving force for positive artistic creation that seeks absolute freedom from realistic bondage.

Zhang Yu was a famous Taoist priest and poet in Yuan Dynasty, compared with the identity of Taoist and poet, his handwriting had greater influence in history. According to the relevant historical data, people at that time were mainly attracted by his Taoist identity and poetic talent. However, if we considered him as a poet,or a calligrapher to inspect,it would be often easier than facing a Taoist priest. Zhang Yu's poems and relationships can be used as some clues for our investigation of his calligraphy activities,not only would it not affect us to judge the value of his calligraphy, but also we will comprehensively and objectively analyze his calligraphy works. His early calligraphy closely followed Zhao Mengfu, in his later years, when he met Yang Weizhen, the style of writing changed greatly.During this period, what kind of changes and fundamental influence had on Zhang Yu's life and book learning thoughts experienced. Our contributions to this paper are as follows.To solve this issue,this passage will try to find clues from several representative figures and representative calligraphy works of Zhang Yu, and draw on the research results of relevant scholars to discuss the identity of Zhang Yu as a Taoist priest and the origin and style characteristics of his handwriting and probed into the status and influence of his calligraphy in history.

Gangwon Province, located in the mid-eastern part of the Korean Peninsula, is blessed with beautiful mountains and beaches that offer some of the best sceneries and vacation spots throughout the year. It also provides a wide variety of food that embraces local identity. The mountainous region in the west and the seaside region of the east both add more colors to its local food in terms of recipes and ingredients. In addition, this study focuses on its renowned novelist Kim Yu-jeong, developing food contents through storytelling which was reflected on his works.

2019년에는 유관순을 다룬 영화가 2편이 연이어 개봉했다. 2월 27일 개봉한 <항거: 유관순 이야기>와 3월 14일 개봉한 다큐멘터리 극영화 <1919 유관순>이 바로 그것이다. <1919 유관순>은 영화에서 유관순의 기독교적 순교를 강조하는 경향이 강하다. 이는 1970년대까지 만들어졌던 영화들과 비슷해 보인다. 그에 반해 <항거: 유관순 이야기>는 너무나 엄숙하고 영웅적인 유관순을 조금은 내려놓고 장난기 있는 10대 소녀, 하지만 또 한편 민족과 독립이라는 화두에 있어서는 진지하고 강건한 인물로서 그려나가고 있다. 유관순 열사의 민족에 대한 항거는 자주독립 정신의 상징일 뿐 아니라, 일제하에서 자라난 세대들임에도 역사의 주체로서 민족의 운명을 스스로 개척하고자 했던 신세대의 등장을 상징하는 일이기도 했다. 우리는 이러한 유관순 열사의 순고한 희생과 민족을 위한 열정을 교육과정에서 많이 익혔다. 그러나 유관순 열사가 어린나이에 어떠한 감정과 어떠한 의지로 이러한 독립운동에 참여했는지에 대한 직접적인 감정을 느끼기는 직접적으로 어려울 것이다. 이에 많은 국민들이 영화나 다큐 영상물 등을 통하여 그 시대의 아픔과 어려움을 간접적으로 느끼고 있다고 생각한다. 하지만 그러한 영상물이 기존의 우리가 알고 있는 역사사료를 바탕으로 각색의 요소를 갖고 있기에 우리가 바라보는 유관순 열사의 인식도 분명 차이는 있을 것이라 사료된다. 이에 비슷한 시기에 개봉하여 대중들에게 큰 호응을 얻었던 <1919 유관순 영화>와 <항거: 유관순 이야기>의 영화가 객관적 고증과 사료의 분석이 있었는지 여부와 종교적 성향과는 별개로 영화의 작품성을 강조했는지의 여부에 따라 같은 시기 개봉하고 같은 사람을 표현했음에도 큰 차이가 있다는 걸 두 영화의 비교를 통해 알게 되었다. 결국 유관순 열사의 생과 독립운동 과정 등에 대하여 묘사와 평가를 어떻게 다루는지의 차이만 있을 뿐 나라를 위해 어린나이에 온몸을 바쳐 독립운동을 한 유관순 열사의 순고한 정신은 길이 남을 것이다.

In 2019, two films dealing with Yu Gwan-sun were released one after another. They are <Resistance: Yu Gwan-sun Story>, which was released on February 27, and <1919 Yu Gwan-sun>, a documentary drama film released on March 14. <1919 Yu Gwan-sun> tends to emphasize Yu Gwan-sun’s Christian martyrdom in the film. It looks similar to the movies that were made until the 1970s. On the other hand, “Resistance: Yoo Gwan-soon Story” depicts a playful teenage girl who puts down a little bit of Yu Gwan-sun, who is so solemn and heroic, but on the other hand, she is a serious and strong character in the topic of nationality and independence. Yu Gwan-soon’;s protest against the people was not only a symbol of the spirit of independence, but also a symbol of the emergence of a new generation who wanted to carve out the fate of the people as the subject of history. We learned a lot about the pure sacrifice of Yu Gwan-soon and the passion for the people in the curriculum. However, it will be directly difficult to feel the direct feelings of Yu Gwan-sun‘s participation in this independence movement at a young age and with what will. Therefore, I think many people indirectly feel the pain and difficulties of that era through movies and documentary videos. However, since such videos have various elements based on historical materials that we know, it is believed that there will be a difference in the perception of martyr Yu Gwan-sun that we see. The comparison between the two films showed that the films of “1919 Yu Gwan-sun” and “Resistance: Yu Gwan-sun Story,” which were released around the same time and received favorable responses from many people, differed in whether they emphasized the film’s workability apart from religious tendencies. In the end, there is only a difference in the description and evaluation of Yu Gwan-sun’s life and the process of independence movement, but the pure spirit of Yu Gwan-sun, who devoted his whole body to the independence movement for the country, will remain.

유관순과 잔 다르크는 각각 대한민국과 프랑스를 대표하는 애국열사로 자리매김해 왔다. 학생들의 역사 교육을 위한 자료로서, 자국의 민족성을 고취시키는 구심적 서사로서는 물론이고 그들의 극적 삶과 죽음의 전달력이 가져다주는 드라마적 요소 때문에 영화나 드라마의 소재로 많이 애용되기도 했다. 영화 소재로서의 유관순의 이미지를 우선 보면 ‘3.1운동’이라는 키워드로도 찾아낼 수 있다. 대중에게 발표된 유관순 관련 개봉영화는 아직은 거의 전기물에 가깝다. 최근의 극 영화 <항거: 유관순 이야기>(2019)와 다큐형식으로 제작된 <1919 유관순>(2019)이 형식과 주제에서 나름대로 다양성을 추구하고는 있지만 여전히 계몽적인 주제에 머물러 있다는 게 영화계의 일반적인 평판이다. 영국과 프랑스 간의 역사적 시각 차이와 환상과 실제와의 괴리로 인해 오히려 다양한 버전과 상징으로 남아있는 잔 다르크는 단순한 애국심 고취보다는 훨씬 복합적인 해석으로 영화에 비춰진다. ‘혁명가’ ‘편협한 광신자’ ‘토사구팽당한 시골처녀’ ‘페미니스트의 선구자’ 등 갖가지 평가가 따르는 잔 다르크는 더할 나위 없이 좋은 영화의 소재여서 한 시대의 역사적 인물이라는 점 이상으로 그려졌다. 현대적 의미에서 그녀의 상징은 미디어를 통해 더욱 홍보되고 새로운 잔 다르크가 연이어 창조되는 중이다. 그러나 유관순에 대한 현대적 해석과 교육 자료는 최초 교과서의 등장 서사에 머물러 있다. 본고의 목적은 새로운 시대와 세대를 위한 유관순의 재발견을 위한 콘텐츠 개발 제안이다. 현대 사회에서 미디어에 의해 스타가 만들어 지듯이 영웅도 필요에 따라 재해석, 재창조가 이루어진다. 말 그대로 확대해석이지 왜곡이 아니다. 유관순 역시 역사적 인물 이상의 상징으로 재창조된다면 교육과 학습을 넘어서 공감과 가치를 위한 미래지향적 시각을 통해 글로벌한 인물로 다음 세대와 국제 문화에 자연스럽게 흡수될 것이다. 이미 뿌리내린 K-컬쳐가 이를 지지할 수 있으니, 웹튠과 무대공연, 팩션 영화와 드라마 등 다양한 장르의 현대적 버전으로 개발되기를 기대해 본다.

Yu Gwan-sun and Joan of Arc have established themselves as patriotic martyrs representing Korea and France, respectively. As a material for educating students on history, as a centripetal narrative that inspires nationality, as well as the dramatic elements of their dramatic life and death, it was often used as a material for movies and dramas. If you look at Yu Gwan-sun’s image as a film material first, you can find it with the keyword ‘3.1 Movement’. The publicly released films related to Yu Gwan-sun are still mostly biographical. The general reputation of the film industry is that the recent drama <Revolt: The Story of Yu Gwan-sun> and <1919 Yu Gwan-sun: Their own country> (2019), which was produced in documentary format, pursue their own diversity in form and theme, but still remain enlightening themes. Joan of Arc, which remains as various versions and symbols due to the historical difference between Britain and France, and the gap between fantasy and reality, is reflected in the film with a much more complex interpretation than simple patriotism. Joan of Arc, which has received various evaluations such as ‘revolutionary’, ‘too narrow-minded fanatic’, ‘a country girl killed like a dog after hunting’ and ‘feminist’s pioneer’, was portrayed beyond the point of being a historical figure of an era as it is the subject of an excellent film. In the modern sense, her symbol is further promoted through the media and a new Joan of Arc is created one after another. However, the modern interpretation and educational materials of Yu Gwan-sun remain in the narrative of the first textbook. The purpose of this paper is to propose content development for the rediscovery of Yu Gwan-soon for a new era and generation. Just as stars are made by the media in modern society, heroes are made according to needs. If Yu Gwan-sun is recreated as a symbol that is more than a historical figure, it will be passed on to the next generation and international culture as a global figure through a future-oriented perspective for empathy and value beyond education and learning. K-culture, which has already taken root, can support this, so I look forward to developing modern versions of various genres such as web tunes, stage performances, and faction films and dramas.

About the Japanese description of 『il-eo-yu-hae』 - focused in compared 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 with Japanese - Sung, Hee-Kyung In this research, I've looked for about transition of 『il-eo-yu-hae』 and 『wae-eo-yu-hae』, based on Japanese of 『il-eo-yu-hae』and 『wae-eo-yu-hae』. As a result, I found 2 branches, one is an identical conception between 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 and 『il-eo-yu-hae』, another is not. Details of discord parts between 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 and『il-eo-yu-hae』 , there is many kind of things are different. Because of system of description methods. Among them, it turned out the Japanese about principle of 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 and 『il-eo-yu-hae』were the most discord part. The reason of discord part of noted materials is that the Japanese used 『wae- eo-yu-hae』 is not available when 『il-eo-yu-hae』 is compiled and a new Japanese is used for Chinese character. Also, at the period of 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 compiled, it was reflected with Kamikadago and it compiled, based on Kyo-to. But period of 『il-eo-yu-hae』 compiled, To-Kyo language,based on Edogo, was already settled for common language. So I think such as Kansai dialect, part of Kamikadago system, was corrected because of necessity. The other system, that is discord part in the Japanese, is difference of expression. exception(2), only does description of Chinese character of ha-wi record in 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 where the Japanese must be, is noted Chinese character of san-wi and a new Japanese Hun is noted at place Chinese character of ha-wi. In『il-eo-yu-hae』, noted Japanese's Hun, deleted Japanese from 『wae-eo-yu-hae』. It also have one that a new Hun is made from exception(2). I think, these kind of things were added or deleted while period of 『il-eo-yu-hae』 compiled by common used or not. Including the fact that between the 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 of Chinese character of san-wi and『il-eo-yu-hae』 of Chinese character of san-wi has no difference, there is a system that one of 『il-eo-yu-hae』 was written from Hun which consist of two of Japanese In『wae-eo-yu-hae』. In 『wae-eo-yu-hae』, More than two japanese were written has indicating more than two of Japanese were commonly used and I assume the reason there's only one japanese was used in『il-eo-yu-hae』 with the same title is it has followed by publishing-regulation. The Japanese we can see from both 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 and 『il-eo-yu-hae』 is identical means these commonly used Japanese were the same at the time the each book had published. And the Japanese we can see from both 『wae-eo-yu-hae』 and 『il-eo-yu-hae』 is not

일본의 한반도 침략은 신라, 고려, 조선 시대를 거쳐 대한제국까지 약714회에 이른다. 한 나라를 빼앗고자 수많은 침략을 하고, 마침내 1905년 강제로 한일협상 조약을 체결하여 먼저 외교권을 박탈하고 본격적으로 우리나라를 지배하였다. 조선총독부를 세워 군사력을 바탕으로 폭력적이고 가혹 적인 무단정치를 펼쳤다. 우리 국민은 무단정치에 맞서기 위해, 3ㆍ1 독립운동을 일으키고, 지금의 고등학생인 18세의 유관순은 잃어버린 나라를 되찾겠다는 열망으로 태극기를 들고 대한독립 만세를 외치게 되었다. 유관순은 자주독립을 주장하며 일본의 탄압에 굴하지 않고 최후의 일인까지 최후의 일각까지 독립을 외치며 서대문 형무소에서 생을 다하였다. 유관순은 이 땅의 자유와 독립을 위해 살았고, 자유와 독립을 위해 숨져갔다. 정복당하지 않는 정신을 지녔으며, 지워지지 않는 자유와 독립의 영원한 빛이 되었다. 유관순의 항일독립정신은 일제의 식민지배 속에서 식민지 교육을 받고 자란 첫 세대임에도 불구하고 민족적 정체성과 자긍심을 가진 새로운 세대의 등장과 함께 1920년대 이후 항일 독립운동의 주역이 되었다. 이글은 꽃다운 나이 유관순의 불꽃 같은 삶을 통하여 영원한 대한민국의 자유 독립의 빛을 찾아보는데 큰 의의를 두었다.

Japan invaded the Korean Peninsula about 714 times through the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon dynasties to the Korean Empire. After numerous invasions to take over a country, the Korea-Japan Treaty was forcibly signed in 1905, depriving the country of diplomatic rights and taking over Korea in earnest. He established the Japanese Government-General of Korea and carried out violent and harsh truce politics based on military power. The Korean people started the March 1st Independence Movement to fight illegal politics, and 18-year-old Yu Gwan-sun, now a high school student, raised the Taegeukgi and shouted for national independence with a desire to reclaim the lost country. Yu Gwan-sun, insisting on independent independence, did not yield to Japanese oppression, and cried for independence to the last minute until the last minute, and died in Seodaemun Prison. Yu Gwan-sun lived for the freedom and independence of this land, and died for freedom and independence. He possessed an unconquered spirit, and became the eternal light of indelible freedom and independence. Yu Gwan-sun's anti-Japanese independence spirit became a leading role in the anti-Japanese independence movement after the 1920s with the emergence of a new generation with national identity and pride, despite being the first generation to receive colonial education and grow up under the Japanese colonial rule. This article has great significance in finding the light of eternal freedom and independence of the Republic of Korea through the flame-like life of Yu Gwan-sun at the age of flowers.

Yu Gwansun and Anna Akmatoba were born in one another country. But their fates were the same. the whole world was thrown into turmoil in the late 19th century and the early 20th century. Korea was the colony of Japan at those times. Russia was gloomy at the turn of the 20th century. The series of big events were broke out in Russia. The great famine in 1891, Sunday of the blood in 1905, the World War I in 1914, the October revolutionary in 1917 and etc. Those two women were born in such a difficult time. One woman fought for the independence of the country, the other woman fought for the freedom of the human being from socialist system. Yu devoted herself to the cause of the independence of her country at the sacrifice of her life, while Anna served her country criticizing the country's communism in her poetry. They were the witness of the time. The way in which loves their fatherlands was different each other but their patriotic spirit which loves the nation was the same.

The cultural environment these days is evolving and developing to connect the emotional value which is represented by fun and pleasure to each field and based on that another field is connected again and influence each other very deeply. The attitude of the people accepting and appreciating the cultural art also showing more active and aggressive tendency that they are not satisfied to be the former passive consumer anymore but want to be the subject themselves and be on the same level as the producer. Despite of these drift of times and what it should be it is still quite uncomfortable to discuss literature in the concept of cultural business. It is true that in actuality the industrialization of culture in the field of literature is relatively underdeveloped compare to other genre of art. The reason is because that there are ingrained tradition and perception to esteem the classic literature’s value and respect. And on the other hand, it comes also from the lack of efforts to industrialize literature. But like all the other fields in Cultural art the industrialization of literature can not be avoided. At least, set aside the the classic meaning of the link between creating the work and distributing it is an inevitable reality to utilize and re-process and translate the literature in a way that readers (consumers) want. Moreover, the character of literature being the core and playing the role of original resource of cultural art with a new perception and approach to literature for the development of cultural industry overall, and the variation of literature as the original resource can be a foundation to get some important power in cultural industry. Therefore in this article with the groundwork of basic discussion of the cultural industrious level so far, we looked over the characteristic in cultural contents of Kim Yu Jung and his works and how Kim Yu Jung as the original resource can change and evolve. And we also examined if it can be the cultural power to satisfy the expectations of readers and cultural consumer. And to check the point of universality which is common throughout time and space the characteristics of the cultual contents of Kim Yu Jung’s novel provinciality and localism. And on this foundation we will find out the way how Kim Yu Jung’s novel can be extended from a literary contens to a cultural contens.

≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ 의 한국어판 서문의 제목은 <5월 35일>이다. 이는 중국의 천안문 사건이 일어난 1989 년 6월 4일을 의미한다. 중국 정부의 인터넷 검열을 피하기 위하여 교묘하게 ‘5월 35일’이라 부르게 된 것이다. 원본 ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫가 중국에서 출판이 금지된 이유는 이 책이 바로 직접적으로 천안문 사태를 언급하는 ‘6월 4일’ 식 글쓰기 때문이라고 간접적으로 말하고 있다. 반대로 같은 저자 위화의 다른 소설 ≪형제≫는 더 직접적인 비판일 색의 소설임에도 이 소설의 형식이 저자가 말하는 ‘5월 35일’식 글쓰기였기에 정부 검열의 여지가 있음에도 출판된 것이다. 저자 위화가 말하는 ‘5월 35일’식 글쓰기와 ‘6월 4일’식 글쓰기는 각각 ‘허구’와 ‘비허구’의 글쓰기를 지칭한 것 이다. 지난 30년간 위화는 이른바 소설이라는 ‘허구적 글쓰기’ 속에 사랑과 애증의 필치로 자신이 사는 중국의 현실을 이야기하여 왔다. 그리고 그간의 소설속에 예리한 비판정신을 담아왔음은 그의 작품을 아는 많은 독자들 누구나 인정 하는 사실이다. ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫은 소설이 아니라 산문이다. 하지만 이 작품에는 위화가 더 이상 소설이라는 틀 에 의존하지 않고 현실에 대한 포문을 자신의 이야기하고 싶은 열망을 직접적으로 표현하기 시작한 첫 작품이라는 중요한 의미가 있다.

The preface to the Korean version of ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ is titled <May 35> This means June 4, 1989, when the Tiananmen Square incident in China took place. It was cleverly called 'May 35' to avoid censorship by the Chinese government. The reason why the original ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ is banned from publishing in China is because the book directly mentions the Tiananmen Square incident. On the contrary, it was published in the May 35 style of writing in spite of public opinion. Writing in the May 35 and June 4 style refers to writing in "fiction" and "non-fiction." For the past three decades, Yu-hwa has talked about the Chinese reality in love and hate amid the so-called fiction "false writing." And it is someone's admission that there was a keen spirit of criticism in the past. ≪十 個詞彙中的中國≫ has an important meaning that Yu-hwa is no longer dependent on the framework of fiction, but is the first work to begin to express the desire to directly talk about