Earticle

조선문론에서 唐宋古文論의 정신, 즉 뜻을 배워야 한다는 것은 무엇인가. 정신이란 무엇이며, 구체적으로 어떻게 배울 수 있는가. 이런 의문을 해결하는 과정으로 한유가 주장한 陳言務去詞必己出師其意不師其辭文從字順各職職이라는 용어가 조선 문장가들에게 수용되는 과정에서 어떤 의미를 갖는지를 분석하였는데, 결과는 다음과 같다.첫째, 그 뜻을 배우되, 그 말은 배우지 말라(師其意, 不師其辭)의 의미가 막연히 내용 측면의 뜻을 배우라는 것만이 아니라 형식적인 측면을 아우르며, 더 나아가 구체적인 篇章의 體制나 서술법을 배우는 것을 뜻하기도 한다.둘째, 전인의 글에서 편장체제를 빌려온다는 전제 하에서는 前人의 글 속에 있는 말은 반드시 바꾸어야 하는데 이것이 묵은 말을 힘써 제거한다(務去陳言)는 것이며, 묵은 말을 힘써 제거(陳言務去) 했기 때문에 말은 반드시 자신의 것으로 쓸 수밖에 없는데 이것이 말은 반드시 자기에서 나와야 한다는(詞必己出) 것이다. 셋째, 文字가 從順하여 각각 직분에 맞는다는 것은(文從字順各職職) 글자가 글의 체제에 합당해야 한다는 것 이외에 聖人의 道의 자취를 품고 있어야 한다는 뜻이기도 하다.

『詳說古文眞寶大全』은 1450년(세종 32)에 명나라 예겸이 조선에 전한 책이다. 이곳에 수록된 작품들은 고도의 철학적 사유에 기초한 도학적 문학관이 주도면밀하게 적용되어 있어, 文以載道를 신조로 도문일치를 추구했던 조선시대의 문인·학자들이 시문을 익히는 교재로 삼기에 적합하였다. 따라서 이 책은 1450년에 주조되기 시작한 경오자를 시작으로 초주갑인자에서 계유자(재주갑인자)·무신자(사주갑인자)·임진자(오주갑인자)·정유자(육주갑인자)에 이르기까지 모두 6차례에 걸쳐 금속활자로 간행되었다. 경오자본과 갑인자 계열의 판본에는 약자와 이체자는 물론 상이자와 탈자가 적지 않다. 특히 갑인자 계열 5종의 판본들은 원문과 저본의 대교를 통해 문맥에 맞도록오자와 탈자가 수정되어 있고, 마지막 판본으로 현재 널리 유포되어 있는 정유자본은 원문의 교정과 인쇄 상태가 완벽에 가까운 모습을 갖추고 있다. 이와 같이 철저한 교정 작업과 인쇄공정을 거쳐 간행된 판본들은 조선시대에 간행된 금속활자본의 문헌적 성격이나 가치를 증명할 수 있는 자료가 된다. 퇴계와 그의 문인들의 중심으로 한 조선의 학자들은 「상설고문진보대전」에 수록된 작품들의 작자와 역사적 배경 등을 살펴 원문에 담긴 섬세한 의미를 재해석하였고, 다양한 자료가 동원된 검증과정을 통하여 주석의 오류를 바로 잡았다. 무신자본에는 이와 같은 학문적 성과를 반영하여 계유자본의 「전집」에 수록되었던 주석이 대폭 삭제되어 있다. 이는 조선에서 금속활자로 서적을 출간하면서 저본을 맹목적으로 수용하는 자세에서 벗어나, 원문과 주석의 오류와 진위를 고증해 간행했음을 증명해 주는 사례이다.

《文心雕龍》是一部從文史哲融合的角度探討文學藝術的審美特徵的宏偉著作. 本世紀以來, 由于學者的努力, 由于現當代文化藝術及理論的騶動, 文心雕龍越來越爲世界文壇 學界所 目, 幷逐漸成爲當代顯學的一種. 出現于齊梁之間, 從文化思想上看, 儒學的佛化, 佛學的儒化, 儒 道 佛互化, 是這個時期的一個總的趨勢或特點. 因此,關于劉 的思想, 學術界的硏究也頗多分岐, 槪括起來有三種觀點:一種認爲劉 的思想主要是儒家思想;一種則認爲主要是佛家思想; 一種提出, 劉 的思想以儒家思想爲主, 又吸收了佛 道 玄等思想. 其中學術界認爲第三種觀點較爲合理. 本文暫且 開劉 的道 玄 佛的思想, 對其儒學思想進行探討, 力圖在綜合已有論述的基礎上, 提出了筆者的一些看法. 所謂的儒家思想本身也在不斷地發展, 劉 所處的南北朝時期的儒家思想同先秦 兩漢的儒家思想又不完全相同, 特別是經學的情況來看, 自兩漢 宋齊, 經學硏究已經曆了西漢今古文學的繁榮與東漢古文學的興起, 從而也就形成了今文學與古文學的兩大派別, 其中還有經學與玄學 南學與北學 經學與佛敎乃至道敎的矛盾 衝突與交融問題.這種狀況下, 劉 基本上立足于儒家經學古文學的性向, 同時對今文學說也有所統攝與采綴, 此外還直接受到當時玄學 道家 佛敎的思想深刻影響, 幷吸取了 們的許多有益的觀點.

The five viscera[五藏], one of the key concepts from Traditional Oriental Medicine in understanding the nature of human body, endows the characteristic of five phases[五行] on the five representative organs, based on the five phases theory[五行論]. Although the theory from "Geummun-Sangseo(今文尙書)" which states the order of 'liver-mok[肝木] heart-hwa[心火] pancreas-to[脾土] lung-geum[肺金] kidney-su[腎水]' is now widely approved by present-day academics concerning arrangement of five changes and the five viscera, there are some other less-known theories of arrangement. "Gomun-Sangseo[古文尙書]" had suggested the order of 'pancreas-mok[脾木] lung-hwa[肺火] heart-to[心土] liver-geum[肝金] kidney-su[腎水]', which was never practiced, and "Dong-uisusebowon(東醫壽世保元)" of Ijema(李濟馬) expressed the theory of 'lung-mok[肺木] pancreas-hwa[脾火] heart-to[心土] liver-geum[肝金] kidney-su[腎水]'.

This article examines the interpretive characteristics and scholarly significance of Toegye Yi Hwang's (李滉, 1501-1570) reading of the Former Collection(前集) of the 『Gomun jinbo(古文眞寶)』, a representative anthology of poetry and prose that was widely circulated in Joseon Korea, from the perspective of textual criticism. The 『Gomun jinbo』 functioned as both a fundamental textbook for literary composition and a core text for poetry education during the Joseon period. Among Joseon scholars, Yi Hwang stands out as the figure who studied this anthology with the greatest critical rigor. By analyzing records of Yi Hwang's lectures on the Former Collection of the 『Gomun jinbo』 conducted with his disciples, this study seeks to elucidate how he read and critically evaluated poetic and literary texts. Yi Hwang's interpretation of the 『Gomun jinbo』 is distinguished by the fact that it does not remain at the level of paraphrasing poetic meaning but instead adopts textual criticism as its primary methodological approach. Rather than accepting existing annotations uncritically, Yi carefully examined their validity by analyzing poetic context, lexical meaning, and the accuracy of historical allusions, correcting errors and supplementing deficiencies where necessary. Moreover, in interpreting the poems included in the 『Gomun jinbo』, he actively consulted the poets' original collections as well as contemporaneously circulating commentaries on Du Fu(杜甫)'s and Su Shi(蘇軾)'s poetry. Through this approach, Yi sought to understand individual lines within the broader context of the poet's oeuvre and the work as a whole, while guarding against forced interpretations and arbitrary conjecture. Such an interpretive stance is closely connected to the principles of textual understanding evident in his exegesis of the Confucian classics. By examining the characteristics of Yi Hwang's interpretation of the Former Collection of the 『Gomun jinbo』, this article demonstrates that he maintained a consistent scholarly methodology in his engagement with texts not only in Confucian studies but also in the field of literature. It further explores the influence of Yi Hwang's practice of textual criticism on later Yeongnam literati and the Toegye school's understanding of poetry and literary culture. The study concludes by suggesting that Yi Hwang's scholarly achievements merit renewed attention from the perspective of textual criticism across literary studies and other academic fields.

The Finest of Ancient Prose(GuWen GuanZhi, 古文觀止) is one of the long-loved and widely used texts of China’s Gu-wen(古文). GuWen GuanZhi(古文觀止) was compiled and edited by Wu-Cheng quan(吳乘權, 1655~1719) and his nephew Wu-Da zhi(吳大職, ?~?). It was published during the Qing dynasty in 1695. At that time they were working as teachers in a private village school in Shaoxing(紹興). This book was originally made of materials to teach students. It has a total of 222 texts. The texts are arranged by period, and originally the book consisted of 12 volumes. The two editors added annotations and criticism to the text to enhance readers’ understanding of the original text. The criticism form of the GuWen GuanZhi(古文觀止) is based on the method of selecting texts and Ping-dian(評點). So far, the criticism of GuWen GuanZhi(古文觀止) has been undervalued and has lacked research. The reason was that the GuWen GuanZhi(古文觀止) criticism format plagiarized a selection of previous periods. Therefore, plagiarism and utilization were analyzed in detail in this paper. This paper showed that criticism of GuWen GuanZhi(古文觀止) stands at the boundary between plagiarism and utilization. However, it has the independence and completeness as a anthology to classical literature for beginners’ study of texts.

The Tongcheng article is an authentic article in the era of bagu culture, which is closely related to the political culture and ideology of the Qing Dynasty. it produces the "voice" way of narration of Confucianism. At the same time, it is the same as the classical textbook. It is good for the imperial examination to write, but it is higher than the imperial examination. The Tongcheng article has the edge of the social change in modern society because of its clear style. It became the perfect carrier of new learning, and promoted the cultural transformation of the late Qing Dynasty. The doctrine of Confucius and Mencius and Tongcheng articles were abandoned by the 54 new culture movement. It shows the loneliness of Confucianism and the transfer of modern literary aesthetics. It shows that traditional literature is connected to the path of the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius.

본고에서는 延慶本 古文孝經을 대상으로 훈점의 종류와 가점 순서를 고찰하는 한편, 한 곳에 두 개의 훈점이 기입된 용례에 대해 내용적으로 검토하여 훈점본으로서의 延慶本 古文孝經의 성격과 가치에 대해 고찰하였다. 본고의 고찰 결과는 아래와 같다. 첫째, 延慶本 古文孝經에는 朱點 두 종류와 墨點 두 종류, 총 네 종류의 훈점이 기입되어 있는데 이들은 기입 시기 및 기입 범위를 달리한다. 둘째, 구체적인 용례를 검토한 결과 朱1→墨1→朱2→墨2의 순서로 훈점이 기입되었다. 셋째, 한 곳에 서로 다른 훈이 墨1과 朱2로 기입된 용례는 모두 32예인데, 이 중 28예는 墨1이 4종의 淸原家 고문효경 훈점본의 가점 내용과 일치한다. 나머지 4예를 검토한 결과 延慶本 古文孝經의 墨1은 淸原家의 고문효경 훈점본 중에서도 京都 계통의 것을 移點했을 가능성이 발견되었다. 또한 朱2는 明經道의 中原家나 紀傳道의 大江家와 같은 다른 박사 집안의 훈독을 기입한 것으로 판단된다. 나아가 朱2의 훈독에서는 讀添語의 간략화․音讀․不讀字 없이 읽기 등 朱子 新注 학파가 주장하는 훈독의 경향을 확인할 수 있다. 延慶本 古文孝經은 여러 종류의 훈점이 시간적인 차이를 두고 기입되어 있다. 이를 통해 일본의 고문효경 훈독에 대한 다양한 정보를 확인할 수 있다는 점에서 延慶本 古文孝經은 다른 淸原家의 고문효경 훈점본과는 차별성을 지닌다고 할 수 있다.

중국 초등학교 어문교과의 고문교육 비중은 대략 5〜6% 정도로 미미하다. 또, 초등학교 고문은 식자교육차원에서 古詩 위주로 가르친다. 이는 중국 전통의 동몽 교학서의 3자〜7자의 정형성의 對文을 이용한 식자 교육을 계승한 것이다. 초등학교 1학년 어문교재에는 古詩외에도 정형성을 갖춘 현대문이 자주 등장하는데 이 역시 전통적인 對文을 이용한 암송 식자방법으로부터 나온 것이다. 2학년부터는 현대 중국어로 작성된 산문 위주로 교재가 구성되고, 6학년에 간략한 文言文(散文) 두 세편이 나온다. 중학교 어문의 고문교육은 대략 20% 정도를 차지하고 있다. 중학교 고문은 산문과 운문이 균형을 이루는데, 비교적 장문의 산문과 운문도 보인다. 고등학교 어문은 必修와 選修로 나눈다. 필수는 모두 5과목 10학점으로 고교졸업의 최소 이수 단위이고, 선수는 5개 계열에 다수의 전문교과목으로 이루어졌다. 대학입시는 최소 필수 10학점, 선수 8학점을 요구한다. 『語文必修』의 고문 비중은 대략 35% 정도를 차지하는데 이는 대입 語文高考의 고문비중과 거의 일치 한다. 語文高考는 150점 만점에 고문이 약 30〜35%를 차지한다. 초등학교에서의 상용자 교육은 70년대 3,000자에서 90년대 2,500자로 감소하였다가 현재는 다시 3,000자를 가르친다. 현재 중국 교육부가 발표한 ‘어문과정 표준’에 초등학교 고문교육에 대해서는 거의 언급이 없다. 중학교에 ‘浅易한 文言文은 注释과 工具书의 도움으로 基本内容을 이해한다.’가 제시되었다. 고등학교 역시 ‘浅易한 文言文을 閱讀하고 능히 注释과 工具书의 힘을 빌려, 문장의 내용을 파악한다.’로 중학교와 거의 동일하다. 고등학교 어문교육은 1990년대까지만 해도 약 40% 정도의 비중을 차지했는데 현재는 35% 내외를 실시하여 약간 감소한 느낌이다. 1990년대 고문이 40% 정도의 비중을 차지한 것은 當時의 高考와 유관하다. 高考의 고문점수 비중은 1986년 47%, 1991년 33%, 1995년 47%의 높은 비율을 점하고 있었다.

The weight of classical education in the Chinese textbook at the Chinese elementary school had been very slight as about 5?6%. Teaching was based on ancient poems at of Chinese character education in classical education at the elementary level. This was to succeed to what Chinese traditional teaching guide for Chinese characters for children was made to have children easily memorize as it was arranged with the same number of characters between three to seven letters like the Thousand-Character Classic. Since the second grade, teaching material was made based on prose written in modern Chinese and two or three simple classical Chinese sentences come out at the six grade. Classical education forms about 20% of Chinese education at the junior highschool. Prose and verse are balanced in classical education at the junior high school. Even the lengthy prose and verse in were relatively shown. Chinese education was divided into the required and elective course at the high school. The required course consisted of five subjects ten credits as the minimum course credits needed for high school graduation. The elective consisted 5 affiliations. The college entrance examination required the minimum ten required credits and eight elective credits. The weight of classical education forms about 30% of Chinese required courses at high school. This is almost equal to weight of exam questions of classical education out of Chinese language subject at a college entrance examination. Classical education was set questions about 30 to 35% of Chinese language subject on a 150-point scale at a college entrance examination. Chinese character education had been decreased from 3.000 letters in the 1970s to 2,500 letters in the 1990s, but 3,000 letters were currently taught at the elementary school. There was no mention about classical education at the elementary school in Chinese curriculum recently announced by Chinese Ministry of Education. It was proposed that basic contents of 'simple' classical Chinese sentences were understood with the help of interpretation and a book that pronunciation and meaning of Chinese characters are written at the junior high school. It was almost similar to one at the junior high school in that the simple classical Chinese sentences were interpreted and contents of sentences were understood with the help of interpretation and a book that pronunciation and meaning of Chinese characters. The fact that classical education formed about 40% weight of Chinese education at the high school in the 1990s was related to a college entrance examination of that time. The weight of classical education on a college education had formed a high percentage such as 47% in 1986, 33% in 1991, and 47% in 1995.

이 논문은 孫昭(1433~1484)의 문집 『襄敏公文集』 卷之上, 跋에서 <文章軌範 跋>을 발견하여 그 전문을 소개하고 내용을 검토하였다. 『文章軌範』은 중국 송나라의 謝枋得(1226~1289)이 편찬한 책인데, 현재 우리나라에 전해오는 책에는 발문이나 기문이 실려 있지 않으므로 간행시기와 경위는 물론 이 책이 간행될 당시의 문헌정보를 알 수가 없었다. 그런데 이 번에 손소의 발문을 발견하게 되어 그것을 자세히 알게 되었다. 그 내용을 살펴볼 때, 孫昭의 跋文이 있는 『文章軌範』은 木板本으로 朝鮮朝 成宗 6년(1475) 경상북도 榮川(지금의 榮州)에서 朴䎩와 金永濡에 의해 간행되었다. 영천본 『文章軌範』은 목판본 생성 제3양상에 의해 간행된 改刻本이지만, 父本의 내용변화는 없으며, 그 登梓本은 見書本이고 書體는 筆書體일 것으로 추정된다. 따라서 <文章軌範 跋>의 출판서지학적 의의는 조선초 간행된 『文章軌範』의 간행시기와 경위 및 문헌형태를 재구해 볼 수 있다는 것이다. 그리고 손소는 발문에서 六經 이후의 문체를 비판하면서 道德之文을 강조하였다. 그의 道德之文은 고문복고와 연관이 있으며 原道論에 입각한 載道之文과 平正雅麗한 문장을 의미한다. 따라서 그의 문장관은 經學연구와 밀접한 관련이 있으니 여말선초 문장관의 변화와 함께 논의함으로써 문학사적 의의를 살펴보았다. 중국에서 고문복고는 韓愈와 柳宗元으로 대표되는 문장혁신운동인데, 문장의 내원을 三代와 兩漢의 經史 및 諸家에 소급시켜 兩晋六朝의 풍조를 벗어나 고문을 집대성하였다. 우리나라는 고려 말에 성리학이 수용되자 도에 관한 연구를 본격화하면서 고문에 대한 관심이 높아진다. 이에 이제현이 古文之學을 창도하고 제도적 장치를 마련하고자 하였다. 이후 권근의 載道와 정도전의 載道之器 그리고 서거정의 貫道之器로 대표되는 原道論에 입각한 고문 논의가 계속되었다. 따라서 文學史的으로 볼 때, 손소의 도덕지문은 고문복고를 통해서 문풍을 쇄신하고 순정한 유교문학을 수립하려던 문장관이라고 할 것이며 『文章軌範』 간행도 이러한 점에서 그 간행의 목적과 의의를 발견할 수 있을 것이다.

本文文育立探了‘字文化圈的相互理解交流’方案及其前提。尤其是以古文[古典文言文]象，三域行了分析：第一, 于出、退和遇不遇的表形式典范化的方式。第二，者形象逸空間典范的造模式。第三, 山水自然的典范化模式。<屈原列>(<漁父>)<>含着出退知遇核心的政治力系中所形成的典型性。不地奏反，立字文化圈的文化。陶明的托邦不是一世中有的世界，而接近已普遍存在于日常生活，且源于日常的想象。此外，把自我本身就是人生的价和目的、不外在准所的者予以形象化。 柳宗元山水游中的山水，有展出一新的空-不同于那些藏等政治上失意的世界 相反的, 不捉住了‘景之美’， 而且造了作其根据的‘閑人’形象。若<亭集序>在上呈了最消失的人之存在性悲哀， 那，范仲淹的<岳>可是源于人存在的性而造成的多性。范仲淹的<岳>展了直接控制多不同物的方式。，象萬千的山水景通的架得以消解。

In order to construct the context of classical prose from the late 11th century to the early 13th century, this paper has established conditions in terms of creation and ideology. The conditions of classical prose established in this paper are as follows. First, in terms of creation, writing classical prose. next, in terms of ideology, studying the scriptures for the accumulation of ability, criticism of splendor and pursuit of simplicity and grandeur, description of the Way(道) and reason, criticism of uselessness and pursuit of education as social utility, direct speech and criticism of the times, etc. By searching for objects that meet all or most of the above six conditions in historical materials, anthologies, miscellanies, and series, including epitaphs, and considering even personal networks, and by comparing them to the development of classical prose in the Tang and Song Dynasties, the context of classical prose in the mid Koryŏ Dynasty is as follows. First, we can count Kim Hwang-won as the beginning of the Koryŏ Dynasty. As confirmed in the History of Koryŏ, Kim Hwang-won is connected to Kim Sang-woo and Kim Bu-sik, and in turn, Kim Sang-woo is connected to Han Wi-chung, Choe Yu-cheong, Kim Bu-sik, and Kim Bu-ui, and Han Yu-chung is connected to Yun Eon-yi(-Yun In-cheom), Yun Eon-yi is connected to Mun Gong-yu(-Mun Keuk-gyeom), Kwon Jeok, and Kim Hwang-won, Yun Gwan(-Yun Eon-yi), Ui-cheon, Jeong Mok, and Lee Oo. In addition to this, Park In-ryang is also connected to his sons Park Gyeong-in, Park Gyeong-san, and Kim Bu-sik’s father Kim Keun, and the family lineage from Choe Chung to Choe Ja should also be noted. Second, among the major pieces of context of classical prose that focus on the spirit of criticism of the times, style, and utility, the most notable figure is An Chi-min. Such An Chi-min was highly regarded by Choe Ja, and Choe Ja did not hide his respect for Lee Gyu-bo, who recommended him. In addition, before An Chi-min, Lee Jeong, and the Kim Dan, Eun Sun-shin, Jang Ja, Lee Ji-jeo, and Yu Seok groups, as well as Gwak Dong-sun, Choe Ham(Kim In-jon’s son-in-law), Park So, Jeong Seup-myeong, and Choe Woo-bo groups, are also major pieces that constitute the context of classical in the Koryŏ Dynasty. Third, the genealogy of the context of classical prose is completed and compiled by Yu Gong-gwon, Choi Yu-cheong(-Choi Dang, Choi Seon), Park In-seok and the Haedong Senior Citizens’ Association, and the Jukrim High Society led by Lee, In-ro, Lim, Choon, and Ham Soo, as well as Lee Gyu-bo, whom Yu Gong-gwon selected in the preliminary exam, Yu Seung-dan, who was the same age as Lee Gyu-bo, and Choi Ja, who was recommended by Lee Gyu-bo. Meanwhile, in the process of developing and compiling the context of classical prose we can also examine the influences of the normalization of private studies and government schools, the reform of the civil service examination system, the spirit of Confucianism, and the compilation of history books. Through these results, we believe that we can supplement one aspect of Korean literary history by constructing a context for the Koryŏ Dynasty Classical prose that provides a bird’s eye view of the chronological flow and genealogy of the works. Meanwhile, in concluding the article, this paper proposes to set the period from the 12th century to the mid-13th century(1270) as the mid Koryŏ period. The context of classical prose began in the late 11th century and continued throughout this period, and the epitaphs, which were the representative prose genre of the Koryŏ Dynasty, transitioned from the style of Byeonryeomun to the style of prose around 1100, and this transition was confirmed in the genres of epitaphs, prefaces, and articles. The acceptance of Neo-Confucianism and the resulting change in literary style occurred around 1270, which are the basis for this judgment. We hope to establish a clearer basis for the period classification through comparison with ...

Xinji Zangjing Yinyi Suihanlu (新集藏經音義隨函錄), Newly Compiled Sounds and Meanings of Tripitaka; Kehong Sound and Meaning) is a large work that identifies textual corruption in handwritten copies of Buddhist scriptures using informal (non-standard form) Chinese characters through sounds and meanings. It was written by Kehong based on Buddhist scriptures of the Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties Period to faithfully present the actual situation of the use of Chinese characters in copying Buddhist scriptures at that time, making considerable contribution to the research of classical Chinese, classical text proofreading, and corrections of large lexicographic works. Kehong Sound and Meaning contains a wide collection of “lexicographic entries” sorted by the sequence of appearance in scriptures, interpretations and explanations of the form, sound, and meaning of each entry with a range of jargons. In her doctoral thesis, A Study of Kehong Sound and Meaning: A Perspective of Characters, Xiaojing Han introduces the denotations and connotations of jargons including: “orthographical form”, “other form”, “also known form”, “alternative form”, “appropriate form”, “colloquial form”, “classical text”, and “classical text form”. This paper attempts to identify and explore the 114 entries of jargons explicitly marked as “classical text” in Xinjizangjingyinyisuihanlu published by the SWF Company (Tripiṭaka Koreana: XXXIV and XXXV) in order to elucidate the “classical text” citied in Kehong Sound and Meaning, and conclude that the phenomena of characters require special attention.

This paper examines Gloss on Kobunkokyo-Sho(1-66/コ/11貴) possessed by Kyoto University, which includes gloss, glossed reading and diacritical marks. Prior to the examination , this paper considered the relationship with newly discovered TenShobon, and reexplored the process of establishing this Syomono. It is deemed that a person named Kanshu copied Senken's Kokyohisyo in 1581, and then Senko or another person transcribed Tenshobon based on Kanshu’s transcribed version. This Syomono is assumed to be transcribed by the same person who copied Tenshobon. Examining 16 cases with two types of kun-yomi(meanning-based reading) and 2 cases with three types of kun-yomi in the glossed version of Kobunkokyo, it appeard that the readings were mixed up between the Kanto style ane the kyoto style. However, further investigation ie required to detetmine whether this is s tendency unique to this Syomono or a phenomenon that emerged from the original Syomono of Senken. Compared to diacritical marks of Senken's own book, glossed material of Rongosikkai which was discussed in Oh Mi-young (2019), it was confirmed that diacritical marks of this Syomono are almost identical with those in Senken’s book in the case of Kun-yomi, but in the case of On-yomi, the types of diacritical marks have vary. Diacritical marks written in Kobunkokyo and appear in Rongosikkai, which is a book written by Senken himself, are all meant to have accurate pronunciation when reading glosses. And Senken seems to have paid attention to pronunciation of it. In this sense, the glossed material and this Syomono with diacritical marks are considered to be useful as materials to show the Japanese voice of that period.

A Study of Kobunkokyo-Syo(1-66/コ/11貴) possessed by Seikebunko in Kyoto National Univ. - Focus on the structure of main texts and the use of conjunctions - This paper examines Kobunkokyo-Syo (1-66/コ/11貴) possessed by Seikebunko in Kyoto National University, which includes the production and establishment, the structure of main texts, and conjunctions used in main texts. Regarding the production and establishment, it was revealed that this Syomono was produced on the basis of Kiyohara Senken’s Syomono with postscripts. Through this, it was made clear that the Seikebunko Syomono is a standard form of middle-age Kobunkokyo Syomono, and hence a valuable material for Japanese language researches. Next, the study considered main texts of this Syomono with reprinting the second stage of Chapter 1. As a result, it was made clear that main texts of this Syomono consist of two parts, one is explanations of original Kokyo texts and the other is explanations of Koankoku’s annotations which were published with Kobunkokyo. In terms of style, it consists of Kanji-katakana majiribun and original Kanbun. Further, the original Kanbun is divided into two, those that have Katen and those that do not. In addition, many quotations from other books including Kokyozyutsugi are also observed. Finally, there are 97 examples of conjunctions (18 kinds) used in this Syomono. It is worth noting that among them, Sateto, Sahodoni, and Sayounaraba were observed, which has not been explored in previous studies. Further, Yueni, Sikari-type conjunctions, and Mata, which were known as written language conjunctions, are used 69 examples (about 71%). On the other hand, Saruhodoni, which was regraded as a colloquial conjunction, is used 15 examples. In terms of conjunctions, it can be said that this Syomono has the relatively strong literary character.

权近（1352-1409），字可运，号阳村，高丽王朝末期朝鲜王朝初期著名学者、 文臣。他少年早熟，十七岁中成均馆试；十八岁殿试丙科第二名；十九岁中学科乡 试第三名，是著名学者李穑的学生。在高丽末期，历任艺文应教、成均馆大司成、 礼义判书等官职。李氏朝鲜建立后，他继续担任成均馆大司成以及中枢院使、知议 政府事，参与机要。两次出使明朝，受到明太祖接见，陪同游观，赐宴，赋诗，对 于改善两国关系收到良好效果。权近在政治上是温和的改革派，对巩固李氏王朝政 权和维护中朝关系起积极作用。在哲学思想上推崇程朱理学，不信佛教，但态度宽 容。他的文学成就主要体现在诗文集阳村集中，有诗900余首，“记”45篇，序66 篇，说、传、铭、赞、祭文、表、笺、启、疏，碑志及各种杂体应用文多卷。还有 专著东国史略论、东贤事略（人物传记），另有哲学著作多种及出使中国外交 日记奉使录，本文所论“记”体之文，以十五世纪学者徐居正编选东文选所收34 篇为限，不包括其他著作。 权近的记体古文，没有游记、传记，没有以自我为中心的抒写情志。记述事物 之文绝大多数受人请托而作，或借他人之居室，以他人之口吻而发议论。究其原 因，游览题材主要见其奉使录，传记和笺启、序说等自我表达之文多见阳村集 ，所以徐居正在“记”体类中没有收录。现就东文选所收者论，分为下面三类：

본고는 李睟光의 芝峯類說 文章部에 보이는 唐宋古文작품의 우열에 대한 비평을 추려서 분석한 것이다. 우열에 대한 비평만을 추려서 고찰한 것은 우열의 판정이야말로 가장 본질적인 비평이라고 생각해서이며, 텍스트를 당송고문으로 한정한 것은 그동안 축적된 당송고문의 주석을 활용하여 조선 시대 독자와 현대 연구자 간에 존재하는 한문 이해력의 격차를 좁혀보고자 해서이다. 이러한 방법의 고찰을 통해 본고에서는 이수광이 당송고문 및 산문 작법에 있어서중요하게 생각했던 기준 세 가지를 도출할 수 있었다. 첫째, 문체 고유성이다. 이수광은 산문의 각 문체가 기원과 성격, 용도가 상이함을 인지하고 있었고, 각 작품에 그 문체의 성격에 걸맞은 작법이 사용되었는지를 비평의 기준으로 삼았다. 그는 거시적으로는 형식과 내용, 미시적으로는 자구의 어조 등이 그 문체에 어울리는지를 따지고 있다. 둘째, 對句의 정교함이다. 이수광은 일찍이 막상막하로 일컬어지던 韓愈의 請上尊號表와 曾鞏의 賀熙 寧十年南郊禮畢大赦表의 名句를 비교하는데, 후자가 전자보다 주어와 술어가잘 호응하지 않음을 들어 전자에 더 후한 평가를 내린다. 또 그는 柳宗元의 爲 崔中丞請朝覲表의 對句가 절묘하게 이루어져 있다며 극찬한다. 이들 사례는이수광의 문장에 대한 높은 이해를 엿볼 수 있으며, 그가 작품의 평가에 있어서對句의 정교함을 중시하고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 셋째, 氣와 骨의 중시이다. 이수광은 글을 아름답게 수식하기 위한 조탁과 부연은 불가결한 작법이지만 기와골을 해치지 않는 한도 내에서 이루어져야 한다고 주장했다. 그는 적거나 많은분량임에도 기와 골을 해치지 않았다고 여긴 原道와 獲麟解에 높은 점수를, 만연체로 묘사에 치중하였음에도 주제의식의 전달력이 부족하다고 여긴 弔古 戰場文에는 박한 점수를 주었다. 지봉유설은 翰墨遊戲로 시작된 저술이지만 그 내용과 후대에 미친 영향은결코 가볍지 않다. 지봉유설에 보이는 당송고문의 품평 또한 유희로 적은 독서감상문으로 평가절하할 수 없다. 그가 당송고문을 감상하며 가졌던 고민은 모두의 공감을 일으키는 핵심적인 사안이었고, 조선 후기에 이르러서도 여전히 유효한 것이었다.

The Prose Selections of Tang-Song is a specific and precise expression of Tang-Song concepts of writing styles and literature. In terms of rules of compilation, The Prose Selections of Tang-Song were generally compiled in order of writing styles, writers, types, and skills. Lu, Zuqian’s commented and appreciated ‘the Prose of Eight Masters in Tang-Song Dynasty’. Especially Guwenguanjian focusing on the structure and the style of Classical prose. This book established the literary school through the criticism of comments about selection and appreciating the prose of Tang and Song, which could help efficiently the a candidate for an examination to learn and follow it, and moreover to success the civil service examination. The critical reception through the criticism of commentaries by Lu Zuqian could be explained in three introductions. First, it focused on the one of the Song Period, ‘Wen-yi-zai-dao’. Second, it expressed the model and the structure of Classical prose and constructed the literary theory which established the consciousness of criticism and appreciation by comments. Third, it also emphasized the feeling of the prose and the private distinction of the author, which included contents of the Classical prose.