Earticle

초록

영어

The structure of Korean sluicing-like constructions corresponds to that of the cleft constructions which contain no islands. In sluicing-like constructions, however, the negative island-sensitivity emerges clause-mately when the low wh-adjuncts such as ettehkhey ‘how’ appear with negation induced by island-violating movement in LF. The NPI or Neg is a scope limiting element which restricts wh-feature movement within its own scope. At this point, what gets the acceptability improved in such contexts is caused by the role of modality in C or discourse effects of the low wh-adjuncts. Modality in C or discourse effect of the low wh-adjuncts leads to immunity to syntactic constraints involved in intervention effects or negative island effects. The auxiliary verb can move to C across the interveners such as NPI or Neg. The wh-feature has a free ride prior to Spell-out and is checked against the uninterpretable wh-feature in C. The derivation is OK when the uninterpretable wh-feature in C is deleted by the Spec-head agreement. A tendency for a topic-marked phrase to override intervention effects or negative island effects lies in such a free ride. This argument is supported by the empirical data such as nun-marked low wh-adjuncts. This is the reason why the merger-type sluicing-like constructions are free from such effects.

목차

I. 서론
II. 유사수문구문
2.1 유사수문구문의 구조
2.2 유사수문구문의 부정섬 효과
2.3 유사수문구문의 의문사 위치
III. 부정섬 제약 다시보기
IV. 의문부가어의 부정섬 치료
V. 결론
Works Cited
Abstract

키워드

저자

• 이두원 [ Lee, Doo-Won | 한국교통대학교 ]

참고문헌

발행기관

간행물

표지보기 관심저널 등록

• 간행물명

  영어영문학연구 [The Jungang Journal of English Language and Literature]

• 간기

  계간

• pISSN

  1598-3293

• 수록기간

  1968~2025

• 등재여부

  KCI 등재

• 십진분류

  KDC 840 DDC 810