Earticle

초록

영어

This paper aims to provide a new account for the derivation of relative clauses. Under the traditional framework, relative clauses are the result of two major operations: base-generation and movement of a relative pronoun and merge of an antecedent DP with the relative clausal CP. This study reveals that this line of approach is vulnerable to issues such as the number checking of the relative CP-internal verb and co-indexing of anaphors. This study also shows that the above two issues cannot be accounted for without the violation of PIC and Binding Principle A. As discussed in the paper, a nominative relative pronoun which is based-generated cannot check the number feature of a relative CP-internal verb and co-index with anaphors. To address these issues, this study proposes that a relative clause is derived by the movement of the antecedent. This study also argues that the antecedent which moves to the edge of the relative clause after its base-generation, checks the number feature of the relative CP’s internal verb and co-indexes with anaphors consecutively. Lastly, from German data, this study suggests that the antecedent receive Case from the matrix clause, not from any constituent of the relative clause in English.

목차

I. Introduction
II. Traditional Approaches to Relative Clauses
III. Addressing Issues with the Traditional Approach: Number Agreement and Co-Indexing
IV. Binding Principle A and Its Implication for Relative Clauses
V. Evidence from German Relative Clauses
VI. Conclusion
Works Cited
Abstract

키워드

저자

• Park, Junsuk [ Semyung University ]

참고문헌

발행기관

간행물

표지보기 관심저널 등록

• 간행물명

  영어영문학연구 [The Jungang Journal of English Language and Literature]

• 간기

  계간

• pISSN

  1598-3293

• 수록기간

  1968~2026

• 등재여부

  KCI 등재

• 십진분류

  KDC 840 DDC 810