The purpose of this paper is to grope for the possibility that republicanism is an acceptable political principle to feminism by reviewing the arguments and debates among the scholars. Generally feminists doubt that republican idea of citizenship has originally gendered meaning. They criticise that in the history of western republican discourse citizen was regarded as virtuous male political agency who could participate disinterestedly in public sphere. It means that republican citizenship was based on the gendered separation of the public and the private which excluded women from public sphere. In this context Hannah Arendt was severely attacked by feminists because her idea of political action aiming to restore Aristotelian life of polis was also a masculine conception. Some feminists, however, insisted that her idea was gender-neutral one which did not believe in the classical republican separation of sphere. On the contrary, they affirmed that her idea was of great help to feminism in that it tried to overcome liberal hegemony as feminism did. Especially they argued for her idea to reveal the limit of the maternal feminism which passed over the significance of politics by emphasizing the female ethics of care in private sphere. Historians of women also divided themselves into two camps in estimating the idea of republican motherhood during the eighteenth century revolutions in America and France which eulogized mother's political role to educate her son in home as a virtuous citizen in future. While protagonists of that thesis thought highly of it as the first step toward female citizenship to break through patriarchy, antagonists despised it as a sophistication of the separation of sphere and as a dilution of women's struggle for citizenship. Thus feminist's sceptical estimations of republican citizenship were largely due to it's innate masculinity. However, recently republican idea of freedom as 'non-domination' which radically differs from liberal idea of freedom as 'non-interference' is welcomed by some feminist as a useful frame of reference not polluted by gender. They insist that patriarchy is a structural domination in which women are not free only because they are not interfered individually by men. They emphasize that women's subjection to men can be overcome only when women come to recognize not who they are but in which kind of world they live. It means that even women who are allowed to do by men what they want without interference are not free in the world which is structured by patriarchal domination. They accept this republican idea of freedom as an essential tenet feminism should pursue. This is a very hopeful sign of alliance between republicanism and feminism.
목차
Ⅰ. 머리말 II. 공화주의적 시민성과 페미니즘 III. 한나 아렌트와 페미니즘 IV. 공화주의적 모성론과 페미니즘 V. 공화주의 자유론과 페미니즘 VI. 맺음말 Abstract 참고문헌
본 학회는 "역사학의 발전과 민족문화의 창달에 이바지한다"는 목표하에 도내의 역사학자들을 주축으로 1976년에 창립된 이래 30년 이상의 연륜을 이어온 정통 역사학회이다. 수차례의 학술대회를 개최하였을 뿐 아니라, 학술지 '전북사학'을 30호까지 발간하면서 지역 사학 발전의 토대를 놓았다는 평가를 받고 있다. 본 학회는 현재 약 240여명의 회원을 두고 있으며, 격월로 임원회의와 월례발표회를 개최하고 있다. 매 발표회에 실제로 참여하는 인원이 항상 30명이 넘는다. 대부분의 역사관련 학회가 주로 대학교수나 강사들로 구성되어 있는 데 비해 전북사학회는 대학교수, 강사는 물론 학예사, 연구원, 중등학교 역사담당교사 등 역사와 관련된 다양한 구성원들로 이루어져 있다는 장점을 지니고 있다. 대학에서 연구한 역사학에 관한 이론을 중등학교 교육 현장에 올바로 적용하여 이론과 실제를 하나로 만들려는 것이 향후 전북사학회의 지향점이다.
간행물
간행물명
전북사학 [JEONBUK SAHAK ; The Jeonbuk Historical Journal]