Earticle

초록

영어

Phonological opacity has long been of interest in current phonology especially after theories of constraint interaction prevailed. Facing the issue, Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains
abandons parallelism and introduces derivation and the set of Precedence constraints to specify orders of faithfulness violations in a derivation. Although this new version of Optimality Theory has successfully accounted for most controversial cases, it turns out to have some fatal drawbacks to Precedence and needs to be revised. This paper first reviews earlier Optimality approaches such as constraint conjunction and Comparative Markedness to chain shifts to see how they deal with chain shifts, a famous type of counterfeeding process. Then it applies OT-CC with Precedence to chain shifts. Finally, this paper proposes a novel set of anti-Precedence constraints by which the second member of Precedence should not be violated if the chain includes violation of the first member.

목차

Abstract
 1. Preliminaries
 2. Typology of Chain Shifts
  2.1. Vowel Changes
  2.2. Consonant Alternations
  2.3 Lenition
  2.4. Degemination
 3. Classic OT Analyses
 4. An OT-CC Analysis
  4.1. OT-CC with Precedence
  4.2 Anti-Precedence
 5. Conclusion
 References

키워드

Precedence Anti-Precedence chain shift Optimality Theory Optimality Theory with Candidate Chain Harmonic Serialism Derived Environment Effect Comparative Markedness constraint conjunction counterfeeding counterbleeding

저자

• Seung-Hoon Shin [ Yeungnam University ]

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