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It is well accepted, since Chomsky (1977), that a WH- or null operator moves into Spec CP position in the relative clause. But in this paper some evidences will be offered that relative clauses in Korean do not involve the Operator-Variable construction: a) only extra DP can be relativized in Multiple Case constructions, b) the real adjunct can never be relativized, c). the long distance relativization does not exist at all, and d), a so-called long distance relativization is just the instance of a short distance operation that works on the Multiple Case construction. And we will see, as a by-product, the Multiple Case is available for all the GFs and the Exceptional (Accusative) Case Marking in Korean is an another form of the Multiple Accusative construction of which real internal argument is propositional. But regretably no concrete proposition will be advanced about derivation and structure of the relative clauses in Korean.

목차

1.머리말 2.우리말 관계절의 수수께끼
2.1.다중주어와 다중목적어
2.2.후치사의 탈락
2.3.먼 거리 이동과 가까운 거리 이동
2.4.예외적 격표시
3.다시 보는 수수께끼
3.1.다중주어와 다중목적어
3.2.후치사의 탈락
3.3.먼 거리 이동
3.4.예외적 격표시
4.맺는 말
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