Earticle

초록

영어

Two remnants of why-stripping in Korean belong to the same clausal domain because reanalysis takes place in non-elliptical contexts. This restriction arises because of interplay of syntax and processing. For the stripping out of the embedded clause dominated by the complex NP, the two remnants undergo movement to the layer above the matrix CP followed by ellipsis. However, there is no split layer between the complex NP and the embedded CP for way to be placed, which induces way-stripping to be unacceptable, showing no island repair by ellipsis at PF. For the matrix stripping, the interrogative adverb such as way occupies the matrix Spec-IntP and the focused remnant undergoes focus movement to Spec-FP followed by the ellipsis of the matrix TP containing the NP dominating the embedded clause. For the stripping out of the embedded clause, there is no island repair by ellipsis at PF. This is what English reflexive fragments undergoing one-fell-swoop at PF show.

목차

Abstract
1. 서론
2. 조각구문, 수문구문, 그리고 스트리핑 구문
3. 선행 연구들
3.1. Yoshida et al.(2015)의 Why-스트리핑 구문
3.2. Potter(2017)의 PF상에서의 결속과 섬 효과
4. 복합명사구제약과 스트리핑 구문
4.1. 이중절에서 ‘왜’의 중의성
4.2. 복합명사구제약
4.3. 스트리핑 구문의 복합명사구제약
5. 결론
참고문헌

저자

• 이두원 [ Doo-Won Lee | 한국교통대학교/교수 ]

참고문헌