Earticle

초록

영어

Harmonic Serialism (HS), a derivational version of OT, hinges upon two main premises of gradualness and harmonic improvement. Optimality in HS is always evaluated in a gradual, local, and consistent mode. Revisiting and reanalyzing Korean vowel hiatus phenomena in serial OT, this paper claims that optionality reflects HS's unique property of local optimality. To avoid vowel hiatus at a boundary in Korean, Vowel Coalescence (VC) or Glide Formation (GF) arises. In fact, hiatus remains unresolved while it is fixed via VC or GF optionally sometimes and obligatorily some other times. In essence, multiple optima result from different harmony improvement paths, a local variant with a gradual harmony ascent and a global variant from no gradual path to harmonic improvement

목차

Abstract
 1. Introduction
 2. The HS Architecture
 3. Dual Aspects of Korean Vowel Hiatus
 4. An HS Account on Korean Vowel Hiatus
  4. 1. Optional Nature of Korean VC or GF
  4.2. Obligatory Nature of Korean VC or GF
 5. Conclusion
 References

저자

• Minkyung Lee [ Daegu University ]

참고문헌