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Rizzi (1990) derives inner Island effects under the assumption that phrasal negation occupies SPEC(TP). Adjunct raising past Neg then violates antecedent government requirement of elements within a chain headed by an element not bearing a referential theta role. In this paper, the structure advocated by Rizzi simply cannot provide a general, explanatory account of the syntactic properties of negation and the interaction of A' SPEC's and X0 movement. I suggest an alternative theory in which Neg heads the phrasal projection NegP, as argued in Chomsky (1991), Iatridou (1990), and Pollock (1989). Within this structure, Inner Island effects derive from Neg's inability to properly govern a VP adjunct trace.

목차

 1. Introduction  2. Neg and Proper Government
 3. Rizzi(1990)
 4. Evaluation Alternative Theories
 4.1. Head Movement and Neg as SPEC(TP)
 4.2. Constituent Negation, V-Raising and NegP
 5. Conclusion
 References

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